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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

Shadows of Empire in Africa’s New Power Struggles

As Russia and China carve pathways of influence in Africa, a question that remains unanswered is who will help the ‘dark continent’ to flourish, and at what cost.

Africa

Over the past two decades, the United States, China, and Russia have vied for influence in Africa, a continent rich in natural resources and strategic importance. While none of these powers is new to the region, China’s rise as an economic powerhouse has added new dimensions to the competition, with Beijing seeking to challenge Washington’s longstanding dominance. Meanwhile, Russia, lacking China’s economic clout, has carved out a role as a spoiler to Western interests, leveraging its military and political connections to undermine U.S. influence.


Africa, historically a battleground for global power struggles, particularly since the infamous ‘Scramble for Africa’ which defined the 19th century, has again become a space where these powers face new realities. However, contrary to the popular narrative of Africa as a passive recipient of foreign exploitation, many African nations have used this global contest to assert their agency. A significant shift in power dynamics came following the recent expulsion of French troops from Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger which marked a major turning point in African geopolitics.


Yet, the vacuum of the French exit was filled by Russia’s increasing presence in Africa in form of the notorious Wagner Group, whose African gambit began in 2017, in the aftermath of the Central African Republic’s civil war. Ostensibly peacekeepers, Wagner mercenaries brokered a fragile truce that soon crumbled, leaving them firmly entrenched in the country’s resource economy. From there, they expanded into Libya, where they propped up ‘Marshal’ Khalifa Haftar in his bid to control Benghazi. By 2021, the group was operating in Mali under the pretence of aiding the junta against jihadist groups, a mission that devolved into atrocities.


Even the arid expanse of Mali’s northern provinces—Tinzaouten, near the Algerian border—is not immune to this geopolitical reshuffling. Here, Tuareg separatists, climate refugees from the encroaching Sahara, and jihadist factions converge in a volatile mix of resistance and survival. The Tuareg, long marginalized, have reportedly received covert support from an unlikely ally: Ukraine.


Russia’s role is not the only significant development in Africa. China, with its vast economic resources, has long been a dominant force on the continent. Where Russia brings military support, China offers infrastructure, building railways, ports and roads that connect African countries to the global economy. While these projects have been criticized for fostering dependency, they have also become lifelines for nations struggling with inadequate infrastructure and economic stagnation. In places like Sierra Leone, where a new railway was jokingly said to run “all the way to Beijing,” Chinese investments have created economic interdependence that reshapes Africa’s strategic calculus.


The deeper problem, however, lies within. From the Sahel to the Gulf of Guinea, many African states remain plagued by corruption, poverty, and weak governance—fertile ground for jihadist groups and the geopolitics of exploitation. Boko Haram’s origins in Maiduguri, Nigeria, and its subsequent evolution into a caliphate-seeking terror network, underscore the combustible mix of disenfranchisement and ideology. Jihadist foot soldiers, often young men with little knowledge of Sharia or the Qur’an, are recruited with promises of income and a path to marriage, wielding Kalashnikovs in a cycle of violence that has little to do with faith.


As Africa’s population continues to grow, the stakes for global powers intensify. The continent’s vast reserves of rare minerals and other resources ensure that the geopolitical competition will only increase.


Yet neither Russia nor China is overly concerned with the rampant corruption in many African governments. Both powers prioritize strategic alliances and access to resources, often ignoring the ethical and governance challenges faced by their African partners. In contrast, Western countries, such as the United States and European Union, seem to be losing their influence, weighed down by their own domestic challenges.


The historical trajectory of African states, the struggles for independence, and the lingering effects of colonialism have all shaped the current state of affairs. Yet, Africa’s future does not have to be dictated solely by foreign powers. For the continent to truly flourish, it needs better governance, investment in human capital, and a global commitment to addressing the structural inequalities that perpetuate poverty and violence.


Africa’s rise on the global stage offers a chance for a new kind of diplomatic engagement, one that moves beyond the zero-sum mentality of competition and instead focuses on fostering mutual growth. However, this will require a shift in perspective—from viewing Africa as a mere recipient of foreign aid or intervention to recognizing it as a central player in the geopolitics of the 21st century.


The late President Jimmy Carter once described his foundation’s mission as “Waging Peace, Fighting Disease, and Building Hope.” This ethos feels painfully absent in today’s approach to Africa. As Wagner digs deeper into the Sahel’s soil and China’s infrastructure projects carve pathways of influence, a question that remains unanswered is who will help Africa flourish, and at what cost?

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