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By:

Anusreeta Dutta

26 April 2026 at 1:22:24 pm

One Maharashtra, Unequal Priorities

Six decades after statehood, constitutional safeguards remain necessary to bridge the gap between western Maharashtra and the regions left behind. Maharashtra is often referred to as India’s economic engine. The state, which is home to Mumbai’s financial ecosystem and Pune’s industrial corridor, contributes about 14 percent to the GDP of India. There is a long-standing dispute behind this achievement that has affected state politics for decades. Is every district in Maharashtra thriving at...

One Maharashtra, Unequal Priorities

Six decades after statehood, constitutional safeguards remain necessary to bridge the gap between western Maharashtra and the regions left behind. Maharashtra is often referred to as India’s economic engine. The state, which is home to Mumbai’s financial ecosystem and Pune’s industrial corridor, contributes about 14 percent to the GDP of India. There is a long-standing dispute behind this achievement that has affected state politics for decades. Is every district in Maharashtra thriving at the same pace? It is not just a political question. It is written into the Constitution proper. Unlike most states in India, Maharashtra has a unique constitutional provision under Article 371(2) which empowers the Governor to ensure that development funding and opportunities are equally shared between Vidarbha, Marathwada and the rest of Maharashtra. The clause was born out of fears that some areas would be forgotten once the state was established in 1960. Six decades later, the existence of this constitutional safeguard raises an uncomfortable question: why does Maharashtra need tools to balance regional development still? Regional Disparity The seeds of regional disparity were sown long before the birth of Maharashtra. Western Maharashtra had early investments in irrigation, cooperative sugar mills, educational institutions and transportation. The centres of industrial growth followed by agricultural commercialisation were Pune, Satara, Sangli, Kolhapur and part of Nashik. Vidarbha and Marathwada chose the other. Agriculture was still heavily dependent on monsoon rains, industrialization was slow and irrigation coverage was less than the state averages. Regional studies in Maharashtra have repeatedly shown that irrigation intensity and agricultural yield are higher in western districts than in much of eastern Maharashtra. These differences subsequently led to calls for institutional safeguards. In contrast, in western Maharashtra, government moves are increasingly geared towards growth, not deficit reduction. The region’s success is built on industrial corridors, logistics infrastructure, urban mobility projects and advanced manufacturing clusters. Pune has emerged as a hub for vehicles, computer technology, defence production and startups. Mumbai remains a major draw for investment in metro rail networks, coastal roadways, financial services infrastructure and international business zones. Agricultural practices in western Maharashtra are in a relatively advanced stage of development. Irrigation coverage is much better than many districts in the east, so the authorities can concentrate on raising productivity, export-oriented, value-added farming and agro-processing industries. Western Maharashtra’s policy, in a nutshell, is to make competitive regions more competitive. Eastern Maharashtra is very different. Here, the Governments have not only focused on accelerating growth but also on reducing the backlog of development. The main policy question is irrigation. For many decades official studies have consistently identified irrigation as the most important factor for regional disparities. Even with dedicated funds, the backlog of irrigation in Vidarbha and Marathwada kept growing, requiring repeated interventions by successive governments. To tackle this, region-specific irrigation corporations, such as Vidarbha Irrigation Development Corporation (VIDC) and Godavari Marathwada Irrigation Development Corporation (GMIDC) were established with a specific mandate to speed up water infrastructure projects. The Union Government has sanctioned a special irrigation package for Vidarbha, Marathwada and draught prone areas of Maharashtra, with an objective to increase irrigation potential and improve water security of the farmers. Even today, a lot of public money is spent on irrigation projects in eastern Maharashtra. Government affidavits and parliamentary replies say crores of rupees are spent every year to make up for irrigation shortfalls and to finish long-pending projects. This emphasis reflects an important reality: while the western part of Maharashtra talks about competitiveness, the eastern part of Maharashtra continues to debate water access. Another area where there are divergent approaches is industrial policy. Market forces have played a major role in the industrial expansion of western Maharashtra, a process assisted by the existing infrastructure and urbanization. In contrast, Eastern Maharashtra has frequently depended on state-led interventions to draw investment to lagging regions. Projects such as the Multi-modal International Cargo Hub and Airport at Nagpur (MIHAN), logistics corridors, special industrial incentives and infrastructure subsidies were to divert industrial expansion away from the Mumbai-Pune region. Likewise, recent government announcements have earmarked Vidarbha to become a future hub for solar energy, semiconductors, aerospace manufacturing and logistics, with Marathwada being pitched for electric vehicle and electronics investments. Whereas in western Maharashtra, the policy tends to buttress pre-existing advantages, in eastern Maharashtra the industrial policy aims to generate such advantages from the beginning. Regional Equilibrium These divisions have persisted, leading to separate institutions of governance. Vidarbha and Marathwada have statutory development boards to monitor regional imbalances and recommend corrective actions. Their emergence is an indication of a broader acceptance that market forces alone have not been adequate to promote balanced growth in Maharashtra. The second capital of Maharashtra is also Nagpur. The same ideology. The state legislature meets every winter in eastern Maharashtra to ensure that the issues concerning the region remain in the political focus. The issues discussed generally are irrigation, agriculture, tribal welfare and regional development in these sessions. The controversy over regional equity, however, is still unresolved. According to critics, despite decades of special packages and focused strategies, many irrigation projects continue to face delays, cost overruns and implementation problems. Several big projects in Vidarbha remain incomplete despite years of cash pledges. There is now a growing body of policy thinking that suggests that Maharashtra may have to give up the very terminology of backlog elimination. In its own discussion on balanced regional development, the state attaches more importance to reforms in governance, diversification of the economy and speeding up growth, than to compensatory spending. The challenge is not just building canals and roadways anymore but building lasting economic ecosystems that can hold on to talent, draw investment and create jobs beyond the traditional Mumbai-Pune boom corridor. The real test for Maharashtra will be whether future policies can turn Vidarbha and Marathwada from regions requiring special support to regions capable of driving growth on their own. Till then Maharashtra’s development story will be two stories. (The author is a columnist and climate researcher with experience in political research analysis and energy policy. Views personal.)

Shattering the Consensus 

Aditya Dhar’s ‘Dhurandhar’ is a formidable and technically assured spy thriller that has thoroughly unsettled India’s pro-Pakistan liberal film establishment.

With ‘Dhurandhar’, director Aditya Dhar has not merely made a successful film but has effortlessly demonstrated that cinematic authority in India no longer belongs to critics by inheritance. On the surface, Dhar’s latest film, whose worldwide gross currently stands at a staggering Rs. 710 crores, has all the classic tropes of the espionage thriller that we are used to see Hollywood and European cinema churn out for decades.


But beneath ‘Dhurandhar’s testosterone-fuelled violence and thrill-a-minute-velocity, lies something Bollywood has rarely managed: a film that is ideologically explicit without being artistically crude. That combination, rather than any single line of dialogue, explains the near-hysterical response it has provoked.


Indian cinema has seen nationalist films before. But most failed not because of their politics, but because of their incompetence. But ‘Dhurandhar’ is sleek, controlled and technically confident, unfolding over a demanding three-and-a-half hours with the assurance of a director who trusts both his material and his audience.


In doing so, it has forced a reckoning not only with Pakistan’s long war against India through terror proxies, but with the waning authority of India’s so-called ‘liberal’ critical class. For decades, India’s English-language, left-liberal film establishment has acted as a kind of cultural customs office, deciding which politics may pass as art and which must be detained as ‘vulgar propaganda.’


But ‘Dhurandhar’ defies such categorisations, and that is what has upset the pro-Pakistan reflexes of its loudest detractors. The film follows an Indian intelligence operative embedded deep within Karachi’s Lyari underworld, tracing terror-financing networks and ISI operations aimed at Indian cities. Dhar’s Karachi is not a caricature. It is dense, menacing and alive, rendered through moody cinematography, disciplined editing and sound design that fuses qawwali with rock and hip-hop into a constant thrum of unease.


Dhar’s background helps explain the confidence. He first announced himself with Uri: The Surgical Strike (2019), a film that turned a contemporary military operation into a box-office juggernaut without descending into parody. Uri was patriotic, but it had respect for procedural detail.


‘Dhurandhar’ is the maturation of that instinct. What distinguishes Dhar from earlier politically assertive filmmakers is his grasp of execution. Whilst successful to a point, Vivek Agnihotri’s ‘The Kashmir Files’ tends to collapse under the weight of its own message. Its characters became mouthpieces and scenes existed to provoke outrage rather than belief. Other recent spectacles such as ‘Mission Majnu’ relied on slogans and surface nationalism, energising a base while failing to persuade sceptics. ‘Dhurandhar’ breaks decisively from this formula fatigue by embedding its message rather than bludgeoning it.


That sophistication has unnerved critics more than the film’s politics. Anupama Chopra, long regarded as a barometer of respectable English-language film criticism, dismissed the film as an “exhausting, relentless, and frenzied espionage thriller” driven by “too much testosterone, shrill nationalism, and inflammatory anti-Pakistan narratives.” After a fierce backlash against the shallowness of her critique, she quietly removed the review video.


Likewise, other objections were revealingly lazy. To criticise a spy thriller for testosterone is to miss the point of the genre. Intelligence operatives, inconveniently, tend to be men who kill for a living. Nor is it startling that a film about Pakistan’s intelligence apparatus portrays it as hostile to India. Hollywood has built entire genres around America’s enemies without being accused of hysteria. None were dismissed as propaganda.


Bollywood, by contrast, has long churned out films that blurred moral responsibility or imposed false equivalence between India and Pakistan were celebrated as nuanced and humane. ‘Fanaa’ humanised a terrorist while ‘Rang De Basanti’ romanticised violent anarchism and entered the canon.


But Dhar refuses the comforting fog that has characterised many mainstream treatments of terrorism. His film distinguishes clearly between aggressor and victim. Islamist fanatics and ISI operatives are shown as such.


The political subtext is unmistakable. Institutional paralysis during the UPA years is hinted at when intelligence warnings were ignored. But Dhar trusts the audience to draw conclusions.


That, ultimately, is what troubles India’s liberal critics. ‘Dhurandhar’ cannot be dismissed as crude or incompetent. It cannot be laughed off or ignored. By succeeding on aesthetic grounds, it exposes the shrinking monopoly of a critical class accustomed to deciding which ideologies may pass as art. The director has not merely made a successful film. He has demonstrated that cultural authority in Indian cinema no longer belongs to critics by inheritance but to those who can hold the screen, and refuse to blink. 


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