top of page

By:

Shoumojit Banerjee

27 August 2024 at 9:57:52 am

Classroom of Courage

In drought-scarred Maharashtra, a couple’s experiment in democratic schooling is turning child beggars into model citizens In the parched stretches of Maharashtra, from Solapur to the drought-hit villages of Marathwada, a modest social experiment has quietly unfolded for nearly two decades. It is neither a grand government scheme nor a corporate-backed charity. Since 2007, the Ajit Foundation, founded by Mahesh and Vinaya Nimbalkar, has worked with children living at the sharpest edges of...

Classroom of Courage

In drought-scarred Maharashtra, a couple’s experiment in democratic schooling is turning child beggars into model citizens In the parched stretches of Maharashtra, from Solapur to the drought-hit villages of Marathwada, a modest social experiment has quietly unfolded for nearly two decades. It is neither a grand government scheme nor a corporate-backed charity. Since 2007, the Ajit Foundation, founded by Mahesh and Vinaya Nimbalkar, has worked with children living at the sharpest edges of society in Maharashtra. The foundation has become a home for out-of-school children, those who have never enrolled, the children of migrant labourers and single parents, and those who scavenge at garbage dumps or drift between odd jobs. To call their foundation an “NGO” is to miss the point. Vinaya Nimbalkar describes it as a “democratic laboratory”, where education is not merely instruction but an initiation into citizenship. The couple were once government schoolteachers with the Solapur Zilla Parishad, leading stable lives. Yet what they witnessed unsettled them: children who had never held a pencil, begging at traffic signals or sorting refuse for a living. Prompted by this reality, the Nimbalkars resigned their jobs to work full-time for the education of such children. Leap of Faith They began modestly, teaching children in migrant settlements in Solapur and using their own salaries to pay small honorariums to activists. Funds soon ran dry, and volunteers drifted away. Forced out of their home because of their commitment to the cause, they started a one-room school where Vinaya, Mahesh, their infant son Srijan and forty children aged six to fourteen lived together as an unlikely family. The experiment later moved to Barshi in the Solapur district with support from Anandvan. Rural hardship, financial uncertainty and the pandemic repeatedly tested their resolve. At one stage, they assumed educational guardianship of nearly 200 children from families that survived by collecting scrap on the village outskirts. Eventually, the foundation relocated to Talegaon Dabhade near Pune, where it now runs a residential hostel. Twenty-five children currently live and study there. The numbers may seem modest, but the ambition is not. Democracy in Practice What distinguishes the Ajit Foundation is not only who it serves but also how it operates. Within its walls, democracy is practised through a Children’s Gram Panchayat and a miniature Municipal Council elected by the children themselves. Young candidates canvass, hold meetings and present their budgets. Children maintain accounts and share decisions about chores, activities and certain disciplinary matters. In a country where democratic culture is often reduced to voting, the foundation’s approach is quietly radical. It treats children from marginalised backgrounds as citizens in formation. The right to choose — whether to focus on sport, cooking, mathematics or cultural activities — is respected. “We try never to take away what is their own,” says Vinaya Nimbalkar. Rather than forcing every child into a uniform academic mould, individual abilities are encouraged. A boy skilled in daily calculations may not be pushed into hours of bookish study; a girl who excels in cooking may lead the kitchen team. For children who have known only precarity, standing for election, managing a budget or speaking at a meeting can be transformative. On International Women’s Day, the foundation seeks visibility not just for praise but for partnership. If you are inspired by their mission, consider supporting or collaborating—your involvement can help extend opportunities to more children in need.

Signals Beyond the Numbers

Kerala’s local body verdict weakens the Left’s incumbency and hands the BJP a limited psychological breakthrough ahead of the 2026 Assembly battle.

As the Congress held a rally against alleged ‘vote chori’ at Ramlila Maidan in Delhi, questioning the credibility of India’s electoral process, voters in Kerala were delivering a verdict that decisively strengthened the same party in local body elections. The Congress-led UDF emerged as the principal gainer, positioning itself as a formidable challenger in the forthcoming Assembly polls. The contrast is hard to miss: when electoral outcomes favour the Congress, the process appears credible; when they do not, the integrity of the vote is called into question.


Dress Rehearsal

Kerala’s local body elections were never about civic administration alone. They were widely viewed as a semi-final ahead of the Assembly elections, and the results have delivered a sobering verdict on the ruling LDF. The loss of major urban Corporations like Kollam, Thrissur and Kochi signals deep voter fatigue with a government nearing the end of its second consecutive term. The LDF’s hold on Kozhikode Corporation offered little solace, as its seat tally plummeted from 51 in 2020 to just 34 out of 76 - falling four short of a majority and turning a nominal win into a political humiliation. In contrast, the NDA recorded its best-ever performance, more than doubling its presence from 7 to 13 seats, signalling a subtle but significant shift in the city’s electoral landscape. The scale of the UDF’s gains underlines this shift. The Congress-led front won four of the six Corporations- including retaining Kannur, 54 of 86 Municipalities, 78 of 143 Block Panchayats, and 514 of 941 Gram Panchayats, giving it a clear numerical and psychological edge over the LDF. These results place the UDF firmly in pole position ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections, especially if the consolidation of anti-incumbency sentiment against the Left continues.


The most consequential result, however, came from Thiruvananthapuram. For the first time in 45 years, the LDF lost control of the state capital’s Corporation. This was not a routine defeat but a symbolic rupture. Anti-incumbency combined with widespread dissatisfaction over civic governance, allegations of corruption, and charges of administrative mismanagement during the previous LDF-led council created fertile ground for change. The Left’s decision to quietly drop former mayor Arya Rajendran- in 2020, she made history by becoming the youngest mayor in India- from the fray reflected its own recognition of public discontent. For the BJP, the Thiruvananthapuram victory is both a breakthrough and a test. In 2015, the party barely registered on Kerala’s local body map, winning only two Municipalities, one Block Panchayat, and twelve Gram Panchayats with about 15 per cent vote share. This time, it aimed for a 25 per cent vote share and a wider institutional footprint, a target it ultimately fell short of achieving. Numerically, the BJP’s gains - one Corporation, two Municipalities and 26 Gram Panchayats - remain modest.


The verdict for the BJP is therefore a mixed bag. In Munambam, for instance, which witnessed prolonged agitation over the Waqf land issue, the BJP won a Pallipuram panchayat ward by fielding a Christian candidate- although by a slender margin of just 28 votes. While the party may interpret this as evidence of growing Christian trust and the success of its targeted outreach, it would be premature to draw broader conclusions from an isolated win. Structural shifts in Kerala’s voting behaviour require sustained evidence over multiple electoral cycles.


Yet politics is not measured by numbers alone. Ending 45 years of Left rule in the Capital has given the BJP something it has long lacked in Kerala: psychological momentum. Under new state president Rajeev Chandrasekhar, the party deliberately recalibrated its pitch. The BJP made development the focus of its campaign, placing it above Hindutva and ideological messaging, though the party’s core ideology remained an underlying theme. The promise that Prime Minister Narendra Modi would unveil a comprehensive development blueprint for Thiruvananthapuram within 45 days of a BJP victory spoke directly to an aspirational urban electorate. Commitments such as doorstep delivery of civic services, a technology-driven campaign using QR-coded voter slips, and the careful selection of credible candidates, including former IPS officer R. Sreelekha, lent the campaign seriousness and intent.


Unresolved Vulnerabilities  

At the same time, the verdict underscores the BJP’s unresolved vulnerabilities in Kerala. Even where it retained power, such as Palakkad Municipality, its seat tally shrank. In Pandalam Municipality, encompassing the politically sensitive Sabarimala region, the party suffered a dramatic fall—from 18 seats in 2020 to just nine—despite raising allegations against rivals. The failure of high-profile turncoats, including Arjuna Awardee Padmini Thomas, highlights the limits of personality-driven politics in a state known for its discerning electorate. The Thrissur story further complicates the BJP narrative. Despite winning the Thrissur Lok Sabha seat in 2024 through the now Union Minister Suresh Gopi, the party’s performance in the Corporation elections was underwhelming, adding only two seats. This gap between parliamentary success and local organisational depth remains a critical challenge.


The Thiruvananthapuram result does not mean the BJP has replaced Kerala’s entrenched bipolar politics: over the past decade, the party has made steady inroads, winning the Nemom Assembly seat in 2016 and the Thrissur Lok Sabha seat in 2024, thus marking itself as a force to be reckoned with. Yet this breakthrough reflects years of sustained BJP strategy and the relentless, often unsung efforts of RSS workers operating in a challenging political landscape. Ending 45 years of Left rule in the state Capital, it has given the BJP a foothold in Kerala that, while not decisive, signals that the party can no longer be ignored.


As the Assembly contest approaches, the local body verdict sends an unmistakable message: voters are willing to experiment, punish complacency and reward governance over rhetoric. For parties that question electoral credibility only when outcomes go against them, Kerala offers a timely lesson that democracy speaks clearly, but only to those willing to listen.


(The writer is a political commentator. Views personal.)

Comments

bottom of page