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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

Tejashwi’s Pledge, Bihar’s Burden

As the Grand Alliance woos voters with lavish promises, its manifesto risks bankrupting a state already running on fiscal thin air.


 

With barely a week left as Bihar plunges into a key Assembly poll, the opposition Mahagathbandhan or the ‘Grand Alliance’ composed of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), the Congress, the Left parties and Vikashsheel Insaan Party (VIP), released its election manifesto titled ‘Tejashwi Pran’ (which translates as ‘Tejashwi’s Pledge’). And that is part of a problem for this kind of title distinctly gives the impression that it is chiefly a personal pledge of RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav rather than a collective manifesto of the Grand Alliance. The name itself suggests that the Congress, Left parties, and other allied groups play a secondary role in the coalition. At first glance, the manifesto appears welfare-oriented, especially showing a committed vision for the welfare of youth and women. However, a deeper analysis raises the question of whether these promises are truly feasible or merely political tools to attract voters, particularly youth, women and government employees.


Focusing on just five marquee pledges in the manifesto raises more questions than it answers. These include a law to provide one government job per family, to be effective within 20 months; financial assistance of Rs. 2,500 per month to women for five years; restoration of the old pension scheme for state government employees; an additional monthly allowance of Rs. 2,000 for Jeevika didis; and a plan to provide 200 units of electricity free to each family. According to economic analysts, if political promises exceed the economic capacity of the state, they ultimately lead to financial crisis and inflation. For a resource-limited state like Bihar, such policies could prove suicidal.


Grandiose Promises

To understand the reality behind these promises aimed at attracting youth, it is vital to know the number of potential beneficiaries in the state. Bihar’s estimated population in 2025 is about 131 million. According to a caste survey in 2023, the state has approximately 27.6 million families. After the recent hike in dearness allowance (DA) by the Bihar government, it came to light that there are about 4.8 million government employees in the state. Including roughly 0.2 million employees working in the central government and other public sector undertakings, the total number of government employees in Bihar is around 5 million. Even if one government employee is assumed per family, there will still be about 22.5 million families left to provide a new government job for one member each. This number is so large that it seems administratively and economically impossible to fulfil. Economists observe that providing such a large number of government jobs is not only financially impossible but also administratively impractical. Some fear it could destabilize the entire state machinery.


The grandiose manifesto also promises a monthly salary of Rs. 30,000 for Jeevika didis employed on contract basis. This means if the alliance forms the government, this amount would be set as the minimum wage. Thus, the average annual expenditure per contract employee would be Rs. 3.6 lakh. If about 22.5 million people are given government jobs, the state would bear a financial burden of approximately Rs. 8.10 lakh crore annually just on salary payments.


According to the manifesto, Jeevika didis will receive a monthly allowance of Rs. 2,000 for their other duties, amounting to Rs. 24,000 annually per didi. Reports from 2025 indicate that over 10 million women are associated with self-help groups as Jeevika didis. Consequently, the government’s annual expenditure on these allowances would be around Rs. 24,000 crores. Additionally, the manifesto includes a promise to provide each family with 200 units of free electricity, which would impose an estimated additional financial burden of Rs. 36,000 crores annually on the State government.

 

Then, there is the ‘Mai-Bahin Maan Yojana’ which promises to provide women with financial assistance of Rs. 2,500 per month, which translates to Rs. 30,000 annually for each woman. Based on population ratios, age distribution, and recent government and United Nations reports, the female population above 18 years of age in Bihar is estimated to be between 48 to 51 million. If taken as approximately 48 million, the annual expenditure under this scheme could be around Rs. 1.44 lakh crore. Similarly, restoring the Old Pension Scheme (OPS) for state government employees would add an additional annual burden of about Rs. 1.5 lakh crore.


Financially Unviable

The Grand Alliance’s five major promises to attract youth, women and government employees are estimated to cost approximately Rs. 11.64 lakh crore annually, while Bihar’s total annual budget is only Rs. 3.14 lakh crore. This means the proposed expenditure is around four times the state budget. Clearly, raising such a massive amount of money is practically impossible.


Bihar’s estimated Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) for 2025-26 is Rs. 10.97 lakh crore. The projected expenses for just these five promises exceed the GSDP. Given Bihar’s economic structure, this not only appears impractical but also poses a serious threat to the state’s financial stability.


In a democracy, citizens get only one opportunity every five years to decide on the governing system. This opportunity is not merely a mandate but a decisive moment that sets the direction for future development. When political parties indulge in unrealistic promises ignoring economic realities, both the values of democracy and policy integrity come under question. It is therefore essential to consider whether unrestricted populist promises in electoral processes serve democracy’s interests or if the time has come to set clear limits and accountability on them.

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