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By:

Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Federal Farce

India’s federal compact was never meant to resemble street theatre. Yet that is precisely what unfolded in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, where opening sessions of the Assemblies degenerated into petty skirmishes between Raj Bhavans and elected governments. Governors deserve scrutiny for overreach. But what played out on January 20 says as much about the studied belligerence of two state governments that have turned constitutional convention into a contact sport. Start with Tamil Nadu. Governor R.N....

Federal Farce

India’s federal compact was never meant to resemble street theatre. Yet that is precisely what unfolded in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, where opening sessions of the Assemblies degenerated into petty skirmishes between Raj Bhavans and elected governments. Governors deserve scrutiny for overreach. But what played out on January 20 says as much about the studied belligerence of two state governments that have turned constitutional convention into a contact sport. Start with Tamil Nadu. Governor R.N. Ravi’s decision to walk out of the Assembly without delivering his address was dramatic, ill-judged and constitutionally questionable. But the stage for that walkout was carefully set by the ruling DMK. The Speaker’s insistence that the Governor read only what the Cabinet had approved, delivered with the pugnacious aside that “only MLAs can express opinion in the House,” reflected not reverence for convention but contempt for dialogue. Tamil Nadu’s government treated it as an opportunity to box the Governor into a corner and then feign outrage when he refused to play along. The subsequent statements from Raj Bhavan, disputing the state’s extravagant investment claims and invoking disrespect to the national anthem, only deepened the ugliness. But it is worth asking why such disputes routinely explode in Tamil Nadu. The answer lies less in New Delhi’s alleged conspiracies than in Chennai’s habit of governing by provocation. The DMK has discovered that permanent confrontation with the Governor serves its political narrative as it keeps the Centre in the dock. Kerala’s episode was no less revealing. Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar delivered his address and left, only for Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan to return to the House to announce solemnly that the Governor had tampered with Cabinet-approved paragraphs. The offending omissions concerned fiscal federalism and pending Bills, subjects dear to the Left Democratic Front’s sense of grievance. Vijayan’s declaration that the Cabinet’s version would prevail was less a constitutional clarification than a performative assertion of supremacy. Governors are not meant to rewrite policy. But nor are Assemblies meant to retroactively overrule a Governor’s address by executive fiat. Kerala’s government could have placed its objections on record or sought judicial clarity. Instead, it chose to dramatize the dispute, turning the Assembly into a forum for moral grandstanding. Together, these episodes expose a deeper malaise. State governments, particularly those ruled by parties opposed to the BJP, have begun to treat Governors not as constitutional functionaries to be constrained by process, but as political foils to be publicly humiliated. The irony is rich. Tamil Nadu and Kerala style themselves as guardians of constitutional morality, federalism and democratic norms. Yet, by weaponizing Assembly proceedings against Governors, they weaken the very conventions they claim to defend. None of this absolves Governors who stray into partisan commentary or obstructionism. India has no shortage of such examples. But federalism cannot be sustained if elected governments respond to irritation with institutional vandalism. Assemblies are not arenas for settling scores with Raj Bhavans.

Tejashwi’s Pledge, Bihar’s Burden

As the Grand Alliance woos voters with lavish promises, its manifesto risks bankrupting a state already running on fiscal thin air.


 

With barely a week left as Bihar plunges into a key Assembly poll, the opposition Mahagathbandhan or the ‘Grand Alliance’ composed of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), the Congress, the Left parties and Vikashsheel Insaan Party (VIP), released its election manifesto titled ‘Tejashwi Pran’ (which translates as ‘Tejashwi’s Pledge’). And that is part of a problem for this kind of title distinctly gives the impression that it is chiefly a personal pledge of RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav rather than a collective manifesto of the Grand Alliance. The name itself suggests that the Congress, Left parties, and other allied groups play a secondary role in the coalition. At first glance, the manifesto appears welfare-oriented, especially showing a committed vision for the welfare of youth and women. However, a deeper analysis raises the question of whether these promises are truly feasible or merely political tools to attract voters, particularly youth, women and government employees.


Focusing on just five marquee pledges in the manifesto raises more questions than it answers. These include a law to provide one government job per family, to be effective within 20 months; financial assistance of Rs. 2,500 per month to women for five years; restoration of the old pension scheme for state government employees; an additional monthly allowance of Rs. 2,000 for Jeevika didis; and a plan to provide 200 units of electricity free to each family. According to economic analysts, if political promises exceed the economic capacity of the state, they ultimately lead to financial crisis and inflation. For a resource-limited state like Bihar, such policies could prove suicidal.


Grandiose Promises

To understand the reality behind these promises aimed at attracting youth, it is vital to know the number of potential beneficiaries in the state. Bihar’s estimated population in 2025 is about 131 million. According to a caste survey in 2023, the state has approximately 27.6 million families. After the recent hike in dearness allowance (DA) by the Bihar government, it came to light that there are about 4.8 million government employees in the state. Including roughly 0.2 million employees working in the central government and other public sector undertakings, the total number of government employees in Bihar is around 5 million. Even if one government employee is assumed per family, there will still be about 22.5 million families left to provide a new government job for one member each. This number is so large that it seems administratively and economically impossible to fulfil. Economists observe that providing such a large number of government jobs is not only financially impossible but also administratively impractical. Some fear it could destabilize the entire state machinery.


The grandiose manifesto also promises a monthly salary of Rs. 30,000 for Jeevika didis employed on contract basis. This means if the alliance forms the government, this amount would be set as the minimum wage. Thus, the average annual expenditure per contract employee would be Rs. 3.6 lakh. If about 22.5 million people are given government jobs, the state would bear a financial burden of approximately Rs. 8.10 lakh crore annually just on salary payments.


According to the manifesto, Jeevika didis will receive a monthly allowance of Rs. 2,000 for their other duties, amounting to Rs. 24,000 annually per didi. Reports from 2025 indicate that over 10 million women are associated with self-help groups as Jeevika didis. Consequently, the government’s annual expenditure on these allowances would be around Rs. 24,000 crores. Additionally, the manifesto includes a promise to provide each family with 200 units of free electricity, which would impose an estimated additional financial burden of Rs. 36,000 crores annually on the State government.

 

Then, there is the ‘Mai-Bahin Maan Yojana’ which promises to provide women with financial assistance of Rs. 2,500 per month, which translates to Rs. 30,000 annually for each woman. Based on population ratios, age distribution, and recent government and United Nations reports, the female population above 18 years of age in Bihar is estimated to be between 48 to 51 million. If taken as approximately 48 million, the annual expenditure under this scheme could be around Rs. 1.44 lakh crore. Similarly, restoring the Old Pension Scheme (OPS) for state government employees would add an additional annual burden of about Rs. 1.5 lakh crore.


Financially Unviable

The Grand Alliance’s five major promises to attract youth, women and government employees are estimated to cost approximately Rs. 11.64 lakh crore annually, while Bihar’s total annual budget is only Rs. 3.14 lakh crore. This means the proposed expenditure is around four times the state budget. Clearly, raising such a massive amount of money is practically impossible.


Bihar’s estimated Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) for 2025-26 is Rs. 10.97 lakh crore. The projected expenses for just these five promises exceed the GSDP. Given Bihar’s economic structure, this not only appears impractical but also poses a serious threat to the state’s financial stability.


In a democracy, citizens get only one opportunity every five years to decide on the governing system. This opportunity is not merely a mandate but a decisive moment that sets the direction for future development. When political parties indulge in unrealistic promises ignoring economic realities, both the values of democracy and policy integrity come under question. It is therefore essential to consider whether unrestricted populist promises in electoral processes serve democracy’s interests or if the time has come to set clear limits and accountability on them.

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