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By:

Rajiv Shah

22 September 2025 at 8:32:23 pm

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger...

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger geopolitical churn in which alliances, energy, trade, currencies and economic coercion are becoming interconnected. India finds itself almost at its centre. The emerging Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan security equation deserves particular attention. Saudi Arabia brings enormous financial and energy influence; Türkiye possesses considerable military strength, NATO experience and an expanding defence industry; Pakistan brings a large military establishment and nuclear capability with the open support of Washington. Any arrangement containing a collective-defence commitment naturally acquires significance beyond ordinary diplomatic cooperation. Alongside it, another strategic convergence has gradually developed among India, Israel and the UAE. It would be incorrect to describe this as a formal military alliance. Yet geopolitics does not operate through defence treaties alone. India's extensive defence and technology relationship with Israel, its rapidly expanding economic and strategic partnership with the UAE, and the UAE-Israel relationship following the Abraham Accords have created considerable common ground. I2U2—bringing together India, Israel, the UAE and the United States—added another institutional dimension. Thus, without necessarily becoming opposing military camps, two interesting strategic formations are visible across West Asia: Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan and the looser India–UAE–Israel convergence. Balancing Challenge India faces a similar balancing challenge. The Gulf is not a distant geopolitical theatre for New Delhi. Nearly nine million Indians live and work there. India's energy security, investments, trade and remittance flows are closely connected with the region. The proposed India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor also requires relative stability across this geography. Polarisation in West Asia can therefore rapidly become an Indian economic and strategic problem. There is another question Indian planners cannot ignore. If a future India-Pakistan confrontation escalates, how would any collective-defence commitment involving Pakistan be interpreted by Saudi Arabia and Türkiye? It would be alarmist to assume that either country would automatically enter a conflict against India. Saudi Arabia, in particular, has substantial economic and strategic interests in maintaining good relations with New Delhi. Nevertheless, defence planners are paid to examine possibilities before they become crises. While these equations develop in India's neighbourhood, economic pressure is emerging from Washington. The US Senate has voted 86–11 for legislation intended to increase pressure on Russia by targeting major purchasers of Russian energy. The measure could authorise tariffs reaching 100 per cent against goods from countries continuing large-scale purchases of Russian oil and gas, with India among those potentially exposed. China is powerful enough to shrug off similar challenges from the West." However this does not mean that America has already imposed a 100 per cent tariff on India. Further legislative steps remain necessary, and presidential waiver provisions are important. But the overwhelming Senate vote carries a political message that New Delhi cannot dismiss. Tariffs are no longer merely tools of trade protection; they have become instruments of geopolitical coercion. Washington's argument is understandable: revenues from Russian petroleum help sustain Moscow's economy during the Ukraine war, and reducing those revenues increases pressure on Russia. But in that case what about European countries who too were/are customers of Russian oil? India's question is equally legitimate: who should determine where India purchases the energy required by more than 1.4 billion people? If Russian crude remains commercially advantageous and helps contain domestic energy costs, New Delhi cannot reasonably be expected to make every energy decision according to another country's geopolitical priorities. Strategic partnership cannot become strategic obedience. This is where BRICS enters the larger picture. India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and will host its leaders at an unusually sensitive moment. BRICS is no longer merely the original grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Its expansion has considerably increased its demographic, energy and geopolitical weight. More importantly, discussions around BRICS increasingly touch a sensitive nerve in Washington: alternative payment mechanisms, local-currency trade, development finance and the possibility of gradually reducing dependence upon the dollar-dominated international financial system. The BRICS Summit this time is poised to take some decisive steps which may affect western interests especially US. (The writer is an advocate, legal, geopolitical and public policy analyst. Views personal.)

The 99-Year Journey: RSS’s Contribution to India’s Rise as a Global Leader

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar’s vision was influenced by the idea of Hindu Rashtra, a nation that draws its strength from its cultural and civilisational heritage, rooted in Hindu philosophy and culture. The organisation sought to instill a sense of pride in this heritage while addressing social issues such as caste discrimination and untouchability.

In its early years, the RSS focused on building a disciplined cadre of Swayamsevaks to serve the nation. The daily routine of the Swayamsevaks included physical exercises, group discussions on history and culture, and various forms of social service. The RSS also placed a strong emphasis on education, believing that an informed and disciplined populace was essential for nation-building.


Freedom Struggle

During the Indian freedom struggle, the RSS, while aligned with the broader goal of freeing India from British rule, maintained a distance from the Indian National Congress and other political movements. The RSS believed that the focus on political independence was overshadowing the need forsocial and cultural unity. The RSS was wary of the Congress’s policies of appeasement towards the Muslim League and its emphasis on non-violence, which the RSS saw as impractical in the face of British repression.

Despite these differences, the RSS was not completely disengaged from the freedom movement. Many RSS members, including Dr. Hedgewar himself, participated in various nationalist activities. However, the RSS’s primary focus during this period remained on character-building and social unity, believing that these would be crucial for India’s long-term strength and stability.


Response to Partition

After India’s independence in 1947, the country faced deep divisions along religious and caste lines, with the partition leading to widespread violence and displacement. In response, the RSS saw its mission of promoting social unity and national integration as more critical than ever. It set up camps for refugees, providing food, medical aid, and assistance in resettling displaced families, particularly in Punjab and Delhi. In the aftermath of partition, the RSS intensified its efforts to foster Hindu unity and nationalism, playing a significant role in aiding communities affected by the communal violence.


Rebuilding of India

Following independence, the RSS focused on nation-building through grassroots efforts, believing India’s strength and prosperity depended on active citizen participation in social and cultural renewal. They established a network of affiliate organisations, the Sangh Parivar, which worked in education, rural development, health, and economic self-reliance.

In 1951, under the leadership of Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, the RSS established the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), the political wing of the RSS that aimed to provide a nationalist alternative to the Congress Party. Although the BJS remained a relatively small party during its early years, it laid the foundation for the eventual rise of the BJP, which would later become the dominant political force in India.

Cultural Initiatives

The RSS placed a strong emphasis on education as a means of fostering national consciousness and cultural pride. In 1952, the Vidyarthi Parishad (now known as the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, or ABVP) was established as the student wing of the RSS. The ABVP aimed to promote national values among students and provide an alternative to leftist ideologies that were prevalent in many Indian universities. In addition to the ABVP, the RSS also established the Vidya Bharati network of schools, which sought to provide an education rooted in Indian culture and values.


Role in Defending Democracy

A defining moment in the history of the RSS was the Emergency (1975-1977) when then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi suspended civil liberties while the government clamped down on political opposition, censoring the press, and imprisoning thousands of activists and leaders.

The RSS, along with other opposition groups, resisted the Emergency and defended democratic rights. RSS Swayamsevaks were at the forefront of the JP Movement, led by Jayaprakash Narayan, which called for the restoration of democracy and civil liberties. RSS members were arrested and imprisoned, but the organisation continued its activities underground, helping to mobilise public opinion against the government’s authoritarian measures.

The RSS’s role in defending democratic values earned it widespread respect and legitimacy, even among sections of the population that had previously been critical of it.

(The writer is a fellow with Vishwa Samvad Kendra in Mumbai. Views personal.)

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