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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several...

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several questions. While replying to one of the questions, he remarked, “If Swatantraveer Savarkar is given the Bharat Ratna, the prestige of the Bharat Ratna itself will increase.” He was asked, why there has been a delay in conferring the Bharat Ratna on Savarkar, in reply to which, Bhagwat said, “I am not part of that committee. But if I meet someone, I will ask. Even without that honour, he rules the hearts of millions of people.” he added. Social Divisions Bhagwat replied to questions that were clubbed in 14 different groups ranging from national security to environment, social harmony, youth, arts and sports. Whenever the questions suggested or expressed expectations that the RSS should do certain things, Bhagwat stressed on the involvement of the society and initiative from the society in resolving the problems. While addressing the critical issue of Uniform Civil Code, Bhagwat stated that the UCC should be framed by taking everyone into confidence and must not lead to social divisions. In the same way while replying to the question related to illegal migrants in the country, Bhagwat urged people to “detect and report” the “illegal infiltrators” to the police. He also urged people not to give them any employment and to be more “vigilant.” Backing SIR He highlighted that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has already revealed the “foreigners” living in the country. “The government has a lot to do regarding infiltration. They have to detect and deport. This wasn’t happening until now, but it has started little by little, and it will gradually increase. When the census or the SIR is conducted, many people come to light who are not citizens of this country; they are automatically excluded from the process,” he said. “But we can do one thing: we can work on detection. Their language gives them away. We should detect them and report them to the appropriate authorities. We should inform the police that we suspect these people are foreigners, and they should investigate and keep an eye on them, and we will also keep an eye on them. We will not give employment to any foreigner. If someone is from our country, we will give them employment, but not to foreigners. You should be a little more vigilant and aware,” he added. SC Chief Emphasising the inclusivity of the Sangh, he said that anyone can become ‘Sarsanghchalak’ (RSS chief), including the SC and STs, as the decision is solely dependent on the work that any individual put for the organisation. “Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra or Brahmin does not qualify for the Sarsanghchalak position (RSS Chief), a Hindu will become the one who works and is best available. A Hindu will become, and that can also be an SC or ST. Anyone can become it depends on the work. Today, if you see, all classes have representation in the Sangh. The decision is taken on the basis of one who works and is best available,” he said. He pointed out that when the RSS was founded, its work began in a Brahmin-dominated community and hence, most of its founders were Brahmins, which led to the organisation being labelled as a Brahmin outfit at the time. People always look for an organisation that has representatives from their community, he said. “If I were to choose a chief, I would go by the ‘best available candidate’ criterion. When I was appointed RSS chief, there were many best candidates, but they were not available. I was the one who could be relieved from duties and appointed,” he said. He said that to belong to the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe communities is not a disqualification, and neither is being a Brahmin a qualification to become the RSS chief. Ready to step down if Sangh asks for Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday said the Sangh had asked him to continue working despite his age, while stressing that he would step down from the post whenever the organisation directs him to do so. “There is no election to the post of RSS chief. Regional and divisional heads appoint the chief. Generally, it is said that after turning 75, one should work without holding any post,” Bhagwat said. “I have completed 75 years and informed the RSS, but the organisation asked me to continue working. Whenever the RSS asks me to step down, I will do so, but retirement from work will never happen,” he said.

The Art of Compromise

Actor Kamal Haasan, a fierce critic of dynastic politics, now joins forces with Tamil Nadu’s most enduring dynasty

Tamil Nadu
Tamil Nadu

Tamil cinema’s Renaissance man Kamal Haasan had once stormed into politics with the fiery conviction of a debutant hero. In 2018, a viral campaign video saw the actor smashing a television screen with a torch (his party symbol) declaring war on Tamil Nadu’s entrenched political dynasties. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), with its lineage-bound leadership, was very much in his line of fire. Seven years later, the very party he once lampooned is now propelling him to the Rajya Sabha. The volte-face has prompted cries of hypocrisy, but in Haasan’s political career, idealism has increasingly given way to pragmatism.


For a man celebrated for pushing cinematic boundaries, Haasan’s political journey now appears scripted less like a revolution and more like a carefully edited sequel. His party, the Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) had a forgettable electoral debut, winning no seats in the 2019 and 2021 elections despite modest vote shares. Yet it was in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls that Haasan showed a willingness to shed his anti-establishment image and join hands with the DMK-led alliance. The electoral pact included a promise: one Rajya Sabha seat in exchange for MNM’s support. That promise is now being kept.


The path to this détente, tellingly, ran through cinema. Haasan’s 2022 hit ‘Vikram’ was distributed by Red Giant Movies, the production house helmed by Udhayanidhi Stalin, scion of the DMK’s first family and now Tamil Nadu’s Minister for Youth Welfare. From that celluloid collaboration emerged a political rapprochement, one that culminates in Haasan entering Parliament with DMK backing.


For the DMK, the calculus is clear. Haasan may not command the fan frenzy of Tamil cinema’s current box office monarchs, but he has a reputation for cerebral engagement. In Parliament, the party expects him to articulate the Dravidian stance on federalism, linguistic rights and cultural autonomy, especially as the BJP continues to be viewed in Tamil Nadu as attempting a Hindi-first homogenisation of Indian identity. Haasan, a vocal critic of majoritarianism, fits the DMK’s positioning like a well-written script.


The move also serves a more tactical purpose. With Assembly elections looming in 2026, the DMK needs counterweights to the rising star power of actor Vijay, who recently floated his own political outfit, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). Rumours swirl that the BJP, desperate for a charismatic southern ally, is wooing Vijay into its fold, possibly with the offer of a Rajya Sabha berth via the AIADMK’s quota.


While he may not rival Vijay’s popularity among younger and more rural voters, Haasan’s appeal to urban, educated constituencies is valuable particularly as the BJP seeks inroads into Tamil Nadu’s political landscape by mobilising middle-class support.


Yet this alliance is not without its contradictions. Haasan’s entire political origin story was built on railing against the kind of dynastic politics the DMK epitomises. If Haasan now finds himself echoing the party line he once derided, he risks losing the credibility that drew his early supporters.


The DMK’s choice of Rajya Sabha nominees underlines its shifting priorities. The sidelining of Vaiko, a veteran orator and ideologue, signals a pivot from ideological ballast to star-powered campaign potential. Haasan, who joins the Rajya Sabha alongside fellow celebrities like Jaya Bachchan and Ilaiyaraaja, will find that his new role demands not just performance, but political substance.


Whether Kamal Haasan’s second act in politics proves more successful than his first will depend on whether he can evolve from being a marquee name into a political craftsman.

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