top of page

By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

Accused trio get 10-day remand

Mumbai: A Mumbai Court has given 10 days police custody to three arrested accused in the firing on Bollywood action star Tiger Shroff in a crowded public place as the investigators attempt to unravel the conspiracy, motives, involvement of other players and related aspects of the sensational case, on Wednesday. The accused trio Rehan alias Sukka, and Phool Singh both from Sonipat in Haryana and Rhitik Kurmi alias Roshan, originally from Begusarai in Bihar but currently residing in Mumbai,...

Accused trio get 10-day remand

Mumbai: A Mumbai Court has given 10 days police custody to three arrested accused in the firing on Bollywood action star Tiger Shroff in a crowded public place as the investigators attempt to unravel the conspiracy, motives, involvement of other players and related aspects of the sensational case, on Wednesday. The accused trio Rehan alias Sukka, and Phool Singh both from Sonipat in Haryana and Rhitik Kurmi alias Roshan, originally from Begusarai in Bihar but currently residing in Mumbai, were brought here from Kota in separate vehicles early today. They were produced before the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate at Esplanade Court where the police sought 14 days’ custody for the accused who are allegedly acting at the behest of the jailed mafia chief Lawrence Bishnoi’s gang. Pleading for the remand, the police lawyers argued that sustained custodial interrogation was necessary to recover the weapons used in the shooting – which the accused had thrown away while fleeing, retrieve two mobile phones which were reportedly destroyed by the accused, besides digging out the entire conspiracy, pinpoint the exact motives and identify other persons involved in the brazen attack. Opposing the plea, the accused’s lawyers Ajinkya Mirgal and Satyabrat Joshi argued that police custody was unnecessary, particularly for recovering the weapons. Mirgal and Joshi later told mediapersons that the accused had already been interrogated at a railway colony during their transit-remand period and were produced before the CMM Court just minutes before the transit remand expired this afternoon. After hearing both sides, the CMM remanded them to police custody for 10 days till October 31. It may be recalled that Shroff, 36, was targeted on the evening of October 18 near Pushpa Narsee Park in Juhu. Despite being a heavily crowded area, the assailants were seen firing at least 5-6 rounds at the actor’s car before fleeing on a motorcycle. A shaken Shroff escaped relatively unhurt, sustaining minor bruises, but his driver and a bystander suffered injuries. Following the incident, the Mumbai Police registered a case of attempted murder and offences under the Arms Act, and launched an interstate investigation involving Maharashtra, Haryana, Rajasthan, and later Gujarat and Delhi. The Mumbai Police formed 20 teams to hunt down the attackers, recovered the second-hand motorcycle outside Andheri station where it was abandoned and tracked their journey through different modes of transport from Mumbai to Surat and Kota. Acting on a tech-intel alert from Mumbai Police, the Kota Police lay in wait for them and apprehended them from the general coach of the Pune-Jaipur Superfast Express on Monday morning. Initial probe revealed that the assailants were planning to flee the country after travelling to the borders via Jaipur and Delhi. They were lured by the promise of sneaking them out of India to a foreign country, possibly Canada and rehabilitating them. Three key accused brought to Mumbai from Kota Three key accused apprehended in connection with the firing at actor Tiger Shroff’s car were brought to Mumbai from Kota in Rajasthan early on Wednesday, police said. Police brought them by road from Kota to Mumbai and, upon arrival, immediately took them to GT Hospital for a mandatory medical examination, an official said. Following the medical check-up, the accused were escorted to the Mumbai Crime Branch’s Anti-Extortion Cell (AEC) office for interrogation. The accused have been identified as Rehan alias Sukka, from Sonipat in Haryana; Ritik Kurmi alias Roshan, originally from Begusarai in Bihar and living in Mumbai; and Phool Singh from Haryana, the official said. The Kota city police had handed them over to Mumbai Police, which formally arrested them and produced them before a magistrate there. The court granted transit remand to take them to Mumbai. Meanwhile, advocate Ajinkya Mirgal arrived at the AEC office in Mumbai on Wednesday morning, informing officials that he would represent the accused as their defence counsel in the case. At least two men fired gunshots at Shroff’s car in Mumbai’s Juhu area on Sunday evening before speeding away on a motorcycle. The actor escaped relatively unhurt, while his driver and a bystander were injured. According to Mumbai Police, five to six rounds were fired at the car. A motorcycle, allegedly used by the shooters, was found abandoned in Andheri. The accused fled to Surat and once there, boarded a Jaipur-bound train. The three were supposed to go to Delhi on a bus and then flee to Nepal. The Mumbai Police have registered a case under the provisions of attempt to murder and the Arms Act. According to the police, Rehan was in touch with Anil Pandit, an alleged associate of the Lawrence Bishnoi gang, which claimed responsibility for the attack in an unverified social media post. On Tuesday, the Delhi Police Special Cell arrested four more persons, including two women, in connection with the firing case. Police suspect they were acting on the directions of Anil Pandit, a gangster operating from abroad, an official earlier said. The four accused, identified as Kunal (21), Sumit (19), Radha (23), and Babita (23), were apprehended from Delhi and Haryana. According to police, Kunal allegedly collected a pistol and 20 rounds from Amritsar on the instructions of Anil Pandit, with Sumit accompanying him. Radha and Babita allegedly travelled to Mumbai with the weapon. Following the arrest, the police said the motive of the shooting was being ascertained, while the way Shroff was attacked, the assailants planned to kill him.

The Burden of Babel: India’s Language Policy, Lost in Translation

Aug 30, 2025
5 min read

A policy meant to unite the nation’s classrooms has instead left students juggling burdensome tongues and policymakers without a clear vision.

In early August, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, unveiled a two-language formula - Tamil and English - for the state’s schools. With that announcement, Tamil Nadu thumbed its nose at the three-language policy mandated by the National Education Policy (NEP) of 2020. The southern state is not alone. Maharashtra and several other non-Hindi speaking states have already voiced unease about Delhi’s prescriptions on language. The clash is emblematic of a deeper paradox: a country that trumpets its multilingual heritage but cannot agree on how to teach its children.


Across India, young students are compelled to learn at least three languages: English, Hindi (or another regional language), and the mother tongue. Migrants often shoulder a fourth, if rudimentary familiarity with their community’s speech is expected. Such linguistic multitasking may sound impressive, but it comes at a cost. Pupils spend precious hours memorising vocabulary and grammar when they might instead be mastering algebra or physics. While other countries streamline education by teaching mainly in a single language, India’s young are saddled with linguistic burdens that crowd out core learning.


This tension has persisted since independence. The framers of the Constitution, wary of privileging one tongue over another, declined to impose a compulsory national language. Hindi was given pride of place but not exclusivity. English was retained for official use, partly out of practicality, partly because no one could agree on an alternative. It was a pragmatic compromise, but one that left unanswered the question of how to balance the strengths of English, Hindi and the myriad regional tongues. Eight decades on, successive governments have failed to provide a coherent vision.


Consider Hindi, India’s most widely spoken language. Its dominance in politics and the media lends it an aura of inevitability. Yet Hindi is, in many ways, a modern construct: a colonial invention that blended Sanskrit and Hindustani to displace Urdu under British rule. Northern states adopted it as a replacement for their dialects. Compared with ancient and classical tongues such as Tamil or Bengali, Hindi lacks the claim of deep historical roots.


Proponents of Hindi often attempt to impose it on non-Hindi regions. But even in the Hindi belt, the language is ill-equipped to serve as a medium of higher education or professional training. Witness the travails of Atal Bihari Vajpayee Hindi University, which shuttered its engineering programme after only a handful of students enrolled. Parents in Uttar Pradesh or Madhya Pradesh are as eager to send their children to English-medium schools as their counterparts in Mumbai or Chennai. Without investment in textbooks, research, and technical vocabulary, Hindi cannot hope to become the lingua franca of India’s laboratories or boardrooms.


Tongue Tied

Elsewhere, the pattern is similar. Bengal, despite its literary tradition, struggles to ensure Bengali is taught even as an optional subject in private schools. Other states with proud linguistic heritages have done little better. Vernacular schooling has been allowed to wither. Government-run schools are plagued by underfunding, corruption and political meddling, pushing ambitious families toward private English-medium institutions. As a result, regional languages are increasingly relegated to the home and the street rather than the classroom and the workplace.


Such neglect breeds contradiction. Politicians invoke the grandeur of Tamil, Telugu or Marathi on campaign trails, yet do little to expand their practical utility. Few serious efforts exist to produce high-quality science or engineering textbooks in Indian languages. Nor have state governments invested in teacher training or built robust curricula. Without such infrastructure, regional languages cannot sustain themselves as vehicles of higher learning.


English ascendant

Into this vacuum strides English. Once a colonial imposition, it has become the passport to opportunity. For the urban middle class, English-medium schooling is not just desirable but essential. The boom in information technology and outsourcing has only reinforced this tilt. The clerks who once served the British are replaced by software engineers who service clients in New York or London.


The dominance of English is not inevitable. Other countries have shown that scientific and technical progress is compatible with education in native tongues. Japan, Korea and China all instruct their youth primarily in their own languages, reserving English as a tool for international communication rather than a medium of instruction. This allows students to focus on mastering core subjects rather than juggling multiple grammars.


Yet India remains stuck. The absence of a viable alternative in higher education makes English indispensable. Universities in Delhi, Bengaluru or Pune conduct advanced studies overwhelmingly in English, not because it is intrinsically superior, but because Hindi and regional languages have not been developed to carry the weight of modern science and scholarship.


Employers, meanwhile, have grown more pragmatic. In the civil services, candidates may write exams and interviews in vernacular languages. In corporate offices, English often mingles with Hindi or local dialects in a functional if inelegant patois. For software firms, fluency matters less than coding ability. Increasingly, workplace competence trumps linguistic pedigree. A baseline proficiency in English suffices, provided domain knowledge is strong. This reality should, in theory, ease India’s language wars. If opportunities exist in multiple languages, perhaps the choice of instruction need not be zero-sum. But the education system continues to lag. Students are still forced to grapple with three-language formulas in school, while neither Hindi nor regional tongues are nurtured sufficiently to rival English at higher levels. The result being that English grows stronger by default, while Indian languages weaken from neglect.


It was not always this way. A generation ago, vernacular schools produced bright scientists and engineers who excelled in competitive exams. Many thrived in jobs abroad despite having studied in their mother tongues. Private initiatives once bolstered this ecosystem: in Bengal, Meghnad Saha and S.N. Bose championed scientific publishing in Bengali through the Bengal Science Society. Textbooks in Bengali electrical engineering by S.R. Chakraborty circulated widely for decades. Such efforts testify to what is possible when intellectuals commit to vernacular education.


Today, such enterprises are scarce. The market alone cannot be expected to revive them. Governments must lead. That means investing in school infrastructure, developing higher education curricula in Hindi and regional languages, and training teachers. It also means publishing quality textbooks, encouraging academic research in Indian languages, and ensuring that students educated in vernacular mediums face no discrimination in admissions or recruitment. Unless such steps are taken, families will continue to vote with their feet for English-medium schooling.


Identity Questions

At stake is more than pedagogy. Language is a pillar of cultural identity. Hindi, Tamil, Bengali, Marathi and others form the backbone of literature, cinema, and daily life. But languages confined to homes and festivals, rather than used in universities and offices, risk withering over time. If India wishes to preserve its linguistic heritage, it must extend it beyond rhetoric. That requires less political chest-thumping and more practical investment. Leaders who rail against English while sending their own children to English-medium schools only deepen public cynicism. To strengthen Indian languages, governments must make them useful in real life, particularly in higher education and professional fields.


For now, the three-language formula persists as a political balancing act. It placates interest groups but leaves students overburdened and underprepared. Until India musters the will to modernise its vernacular education, English will remain the default winner. Hindi and regional languages will jostle for symbolic space, while hapless students carry the load of all three. India’s linguistic mosaic, one of its richest inheritances, risks becoming a liability rather than an asset. Without reform, the young will continue to be lost in translation.


(The author is a senior journalist based in Navi Mumbai. Views personal.)

Comments


bottom of page