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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

The Empire That Fell in Pieces

When the British dismantled what they called the Indian empire, they shattered it repeatedly, unevenly and often inadvertently. ‘Partition’ is usually remembered as a single cataclysm in 1947 - the vivisection of British India into India and Pakistan. Yet, as Sam Dalrymple reminds readers in his ambitious and meticulously crafted ‘Five Partitions and the Making of Modern Asia’, that rupture was only one act in a longer imperial unravelling. Between 1937 and 1971, the empire splintered five times, ultimately giving rise to a dozen modern states. Each break brought trauma, dispossession, political improvisation and the kind of border-making whose consequences outlived the flag that once flew above them.


Dalrymple begins with what he calls the “forgotten partition”: the detachment of Burma from India in 1937. For the ethnic Bamar majority, this separation fulfilled a long-held desire to extricate their politics from the gravitational pull of the Indian National Congress. For Hindu nationalists on the subcontinent, it also appealed to a vision of “Bharat” purged of non-Hindu territories. Dalrymple shows that neither side anticipated the social shock that followed.


Burma’s severance set off famine, shredded its labour markets (he notes how hundreds of thousands of Indian workers suddenly found themselves stranded) and sowed the seeds of insurgencies that still simmer. Nor was separation popular among all Burmese: a surprising number of nationalist leaders, he writes, imagined their future firmly tethered to India.


A second partition, even less remembered, began that same year. Aden and the Gulf states, long administered as appendages of British India, were hived off, formally completing their transfer in April 1947. In imperial paperwork, this seemed an administrative tightening. In practice, it marked the beginning of the Arabian peninsula’s geopolitical divergence from the subcontinent, altering the arc of labour migration, energy politics and the strategic calculations of London and New Delhi alike.


Then came the third and most violent rupture: the birth of Pakistan through the division of the Muslim-majority districts of India’s east and west. Dalrymple neither romanticises nor sanitises the devastation. He returns readers to the grisly mechanics of mass flight, revenge killings and communal triumphalism that accompanied hurriedly drawn boundaries. Mountbatten’s decision to advance the transfer of power by a full year by compressing administrative preparation for the world’s largest forced migration into roughly 70 days, emerges as a case study in imperial haste with disastrous consequences.


But the mapmaking did not end there. The fourth partition unfolded in the princely states, strange sovereignties that dotted the subcontinent. Their rulers were invited to choose between India and Pakistan, or to gamble on independence. Dalrymple retells these episodes with flair. Junagadh, a Hindu-majority kingdom with a Muslim ruler, briefly acceded to Pakistan on the advice of its Diwan, Shahnawaz Bhutto. India responded with what Dalrymple terms “a mixture of diplomacy and arm-twisting,” culminating in a plebiscite that brought Junagadh into the Indian Union. Kashmir, its demographic inversion of Junagadh reversed, with a Muslim-majority populace under a Hindu ruler, became the most explosive of these dilemmas. Elsewhere, the dreams of smaller national groups, from Nagas on both sides of the India–Burma frontier to Baluch sardars, were briskly dismissed.


The fifth and final fracture came in 1971, when Pakistan, riven by civil war and linguistic nationalism, split into two. Bangladesh emerged from the ruins of West Pakistan’s military repression. That same year, Britain withdrew its remaining protectorates from the Gulf: the last princely remnants of an empire long lost.


Dalrymple’s achievement lies not merely in chronicling these partitions but in revealing their cumulative logic. Every new border produced fresh minorities, fresh grievances and fresh claims to historical entitlement. The subcontinent’s communal tensions trace their lineage to decisions made at imperial desks, often with little knowledge of the lands they were meant to reorder.


What elevates the book is Dalrymple’s narrative verve and scholarly maturity - qualities striking in a writer not yet thirty. His prose is racy without being glib, and his command of archival detail is formidable. Anecdotes glide across the pages: Burmese politicians who feared losing their ‘Indianness,’ Indian migrants trudging on foot from Rangoon, princely courtiers juggling impossible choices, and the bureaucrats who believed a civilisation could be reorganised on a timetable.


In presenting the Indian empire’s disintegration as a sequence rather than a singular event, Dalrymple reframes a familiar story. He invites readers to see the modern map of South and West Asia not as the inevitable product of ancient identities but as the residue of hurried decisions, imperial hubris and the tragic arithmetic of partition.

(The writer is a Mumbai based educator. Views personal.)

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