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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

The Many Poles of Modi’s World

India’s strategic tango with Russia and its hard-nosed bargaining with America signal a foreign policy no longer bound to any single camp.

The world is moving into a new era-one defined unmistakably by the politics of multipolarity. Gone are the days when the global order revolved solely around a single axis the United States. The unipolar system dominated by America is gradually fading. Today, India is forging strategic partnerships with Russia on both military and economic fronts, while also negotiating trade agreements with the United States. This evolving dynamic signals India's emergence as an independent and assertive player in global diplomacy.


A U.S. delegation will soon arrive in Delhi to push a near-final trade deal, but India has dug in: tariffs must be capped at 15 percent not the 17 percent Washington wants. India will not bargain away its interests.


Under American pressure to curb Russian oil, India has trimmed imports by 10 percent, yet insists prices remain competitive; conveniently, U.S. oil and gas now arrive at similar rates. It is pragmatic hedging in a crowded geopolitical field.


Deal or no deal, India will not let Washington decide its partners. Modi’s foreign policy has recast India as an autonomous power - an evolution Putin captured crisply when he said, “this is not the India of 1947.”


Pragmatic Hedging

India’s recent gift of a Russian translation of the ‘Bhagavad Gita’ added a spiritual gloss to its diplomacy with Moscow. The text’s core lesson - that peace is preferable but force sometimes unavoidable - mirrors India’s own posture which is conciliatory in intent, prepared in practice.


New Delhi has signalled that Russia must act as it sees fit, even as channels for negotiation stay open. Neither Donald Trump’s interventions nor outside pressure can end the conflict; that hinges on whether Volodymyr Zelenskyy chooses to pursue talks in earnest.


Zelenskyy may visit India next month, though dates remain unconfirmed. Officials from both sides have been in quiet discussions for weeks, continuing the balancing act India maintained in 2024, when Narendra Modi visited Moscow and Kyiv in quick succession. India’s aim remains unchanged: to keep relations steady on both fronts while nudging the war, however cautiously, toward a political settlement.


All this underscores how dramatically different is the global order. Economically, the U.S. faces mounting debt and a weakening power base. While America clings to its unipolar aspirations, the world has inevitably moved on. China advocates a bipolar world dominated by itself and America as joint superpowers. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Modi envisions a truly multipolar world-with India, Russia, China, Africa, South America, and Southeast Asia each acting as independent poles of power. NATO and the Global South will also form constituent poles in this expanded landscape. This strategic framework aims at connecting all poles to maintain balance and foster cooperation.


India’s leadership on this front was evident when it expanded the Group of Twenty (G20) to G21, opening doors for increased participation of African nations on the global stage.


Russia has invited India to join an exclusive trade route through the Arctic Circle-about 8,000 km away from India. Only five or six countries are members of this vital corridor, and notably, China was excluded. Additionally, Russia entrusted India with the critical task of ship-breaking on this route, despite China dominating 65 percent of global shipbuilding. These moves have unsettled both China and the U.S., underscoring Moscow’s lack of trust toward Beijing.


Another pillar of India-Russia cooperation is the ‘Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Support’ (RELOS) agreement, allowing the two countries armed forces to utilize each other's military facilities. As per this agreement, India gains access to over 40 Russian naval and air bases, including strategic sites in the Arctic and Pacific regions. Furthermore, Russia will deploy five warships, ten military aircraft, and over thirty thousand troops in India for five years. India will similarly station forces in Russia. This mutual logistic support significantly enhances India's operational reach and limits China's influence in the Indian Ocean. This arrangement is a growing source of concern for both Beijing and Washington. Any nation considering hostile action against India would now have to reconsider the formidable strategic challenge it would face.


China, for its part, is irked not merely because India buys Russian arms, but because it is securing the technology behind them. The swift co-development of the BrahMos missile realised in a mere six months was a rude awakening for Beijing. It signalled that further Russian transfers could allow India to scale up production of advanced systems, including fighter jets, within a few short years.


As the global order drifts toward multipolarity, India is finally beginning to occupy the place it has long claimed, carving out a role that is assured and sovereign.  

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