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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as...

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as independents, setting the stage for high-stakes, multi-cornered contests. Mahayuti Turmoil The Mahayuti alliance, comprising the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena, and the Ajit Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), is grappling with rebellion on multiple fronts. In the critical Nagpur Graduates constituency, a traditional BJP stronghold, former BJP MLC and Nagpur Mayor Anil Sole has thrown a spanner in the works by filing his nomination as an independent candidate. This move directly challenges the official BJP candidate, Sudhakar Kohale. While the BJP leadership, including state president Ravindra Chavan, has attempted to downplay the situation, asserting that Sole has been "pacified," the former MLC's actions tell a different story. Sole's decision to contest independently is particularly significant given his long-standing association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and his previous stint as a BJP MLC from the very same constituency. The situation is equally complicated in the Amravati Teachers constituency. The Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) has officially fielded Kiran Sarnaik. However, adding to the confusion, Sangita Shinde, sister of BJP MP Anil Bonde, has also entered the fray, potentially splitting the Mahayuti vote. The opposition MVA is also facing its share of internal discord here. While the Congress has nominated Aditi Pohre, daughter of former minister Harshvardhan Deshmukh, the Shiv Sena (UBT) has fielded Dattatray Lahane. The presence of numerous candidates representing various teachers' organizations further complicates the electoral arithmetic in this constituency. Opposition Rebellion The Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar Graduates constituency has witnessed another surprise development. While the NCP's sitting MLC, Satish Chavan, was widely considered the frontrunner, the BJP's M.K. Deshmukh has unexpectedly filed his nomination as a rebel candidate, catching the Mahayuti leadership completely off guard. The MVA, too, is facing rebellion in this constituency. Although the seat was officially allocated to the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), Shiv Sena (UBT)'s Dilip Ghuge has also filed his nomination, causing significant heartburn within the opposition alliance. The Pune constituencies present a microcosm of the larger alliance troubles. In the Pune Graduates constituency, the BJP has fielded Dr. Smita Jadhav, the daughter-in-law of Pratap Singh Jadhav, owner of the 'Pudhari' news group and niece of Congress leader Satej Patil. Adding intrigue to this contest is the fact that she is contesting against Harshada Deshmukh-Jadhav, the official candidate of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction). However, the real drama is unfolding in the Pune Teachers constituency. The BJP's official candidate, Koustubh Gawde, is facing a formidable challenge from Mangesh Chiwate, a close confidant of Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. Chiwate, a former journalist who handled the CM's medical aid cell while Shinde was the CM, has claimed that his party leadership has provided him with the crucial 'AB' form, signaling official backing. Commenting on the chaotic situation, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis acknowledged that seat-sharing talks remained inconclusive in some areas but expressed hope that the alliance partners would eventually reach an agreement. The true picture of the electoral battlefield will only emerge after Friday, October 9th, the last date for the withdrawal of nominations. Until then, both alliances will be working overtime to contain the rebellions and present a united front, but the deep cracks exposed by these developments suggest that the upcoming MLC elections will be fiercely contested and highly unpredictable.

The Money She Cannot Keep

Sep 8
5 min read

The Annapurna Bhandar scheme is meant to put money in women’s hands, but where husbands control the purse strings, it could become another source of domestic tension and violence.

Mariam’s husband used to beat her when she was pregnant. She suffered a miscarriage. The abuse escalated after she gave birth to their first child. On one occasion, he refused to give her money to buy formula milk for their six-month-old baby. She had to feed the child cow’s milk instead. He constantly put her down, telling her she was nothing more than an uneducated Indian village girl.


Riddhima had a well-paying job with the railways. Soon after her marriage, she was made to hand over her passbook, cheque book and all her financial documents to her unmarried sister-in-law for “safe-keeping”. The family assumed complete control over her earnings. She had to ask for permission — and money — even to replace her tattered sandals. She suffered a nervous breakdown and was sent back to her parental home. Counselling eventually saved the marriage, with the couple advised to establish a separate household.


These two cases are merely the tip of the iceberg when it comes to domestic violence against women in India. For women like these, financial dependence often becomes another instrument of control. The question now is whether new welfare schemes that place money nominally in women’s hands will actually give them greater financial autonomy — or simply create another reason for husbands to demand control over their wives.


Household Flashpoint

Late last week, a young woman in West Bengal reportedly committed suicide after the instalment under the Annapurna Bhandar scheme was not credited to her bank account. Her husband lodged a police complaint claiming that she had taken her own life because she had not received her first instalment of Rs. 3,000.


The following day, however, the woman’s parents accused her husband of subjecting her to continuous physical violence and making incessant demands for dowry.


The case illustrates how easily the question of welfare money can become entangled with the much older and uglier question of domestic power.


Domestic violence can, of course, be linked to Annapurna Bhandar only indirectly. But in West Bengal, reports have emerged of household disputes involving the scheme, including arguments over its application process, documentation and delays in receiving money.


In Malda district, another woman reportedly died by suicide following a major quarrel with her husband. Preliminary police reports suggested that the immediate dispute had been sparked by the process of filling out the lengthy welfare application form, against a background of regular domestic violence.


Political parties have also raised concerns about administrative delays and the bureaucratic complications surrounding the scheme. What begins as paperwork can become, in a household already strained by poverty, dependency and domestic abuse, another source of friction.


The Annapurna Bhandar programme provides financial assistance to women, but accessing it requires detailed family and income-related documentation. Verification procedures and delays in disbursement can create additional complications.


My maid has decided not to apply again because, she says, it is impossible for her to fill out the detailed form by herself. Agents willing to do the paperwork charge anything between Rs. 100 and Rs. 500. Some applicants do not know the answers to all the questions on the form. Others allege that agents demand a share of the Rs. 3,000 monthly benefit as their “cut”.


The irony is hard to miss. A scheme intended to put money directly into the hands of women can become yet another arena in which somebody else decides what happens to that money.

 

“Tensions” are one thing. They become something altogether different when they lead to violence.


My driver registered his wife for Annapurna Bhandar. He is not a violent husband, does not smoke or drink, but the application itself, he admits, is nothing short of fraudulent because his wife is not eligible for the Rs. 3,000 monthly payment. He is reasonably well-off and runs a private taxi service.


Disturbing Pattern

There is another, more disturbing pattern. Eight to ten women working as domestic workers told me that they had been beaten by their husbands when they refused to hand over grants received under the previous Trinamool Congress government’s Lakshmir Bhandar scheme.


The underlying problem is straightforward. The benefit is available to women, but the husband may still regard the money as his.


Many of these women did not previously have bank accounts. Accounts were opened specifically so that the government payment could be deposited. Yet the account may effectively remain under the husband’s control. The wife either stays silent, fights with him or is beaten. Whichever route she takes, the fundamental problem remains: she has money in her name but no meaningful access to it.


That is not financial independence. It is financial control wearing the clothes of empowerment.

 

The problem does not end with Annapurna Bhandar. There are also households in which husbands routinely take the earnings of wives who are not eligible for the scheme.


I use the word “dole” deliberately because that is what the payment amounts to in the eyes of some critics. Others have described such schemes as a way of “bribing” women voters before, during and immediately after elections.


But whether one approves of welfare payments or disapproves of them is almost beside the point here. The more important question is what happens to the money once it enters the household.


One upper-middle-class woman told me that she had employed eight domestic workers over the past five years. The husbands of four of them, she said, drank heavily, spent money on alcohol and beat their wives.


Money in a woman’s hands can itself become a trigger for violence when a husband believes that every rupee entering the household belongs to him.


“Why does the wife need money of her own? Don’t I run the family and give it whatever it needs?” is the refrain one hears from husbands who eagerly wait to appropriate whatever their wives bring home — whether it is a government benefit, earnings from a corporate job or wages from working in several households.


Recently, I met an upper-middle-class husband filling out the Annapurna Bhandar form for his wife. He abandoned the question of Income Tax returns in her name because, if she files returns, she would not be eligible for the benefit.


The wife knows that if the money arrives, her husband will pocket it. She says nothing because, in her experience, nothing will change.


False Empowerment

A bank account in her name means little if somebody else controls the passbook, the ATM card, the PIN or the withdrawal. A government benefit cannot automatically liberate a woman from economic dependence if the household power structure remains unchanged.


And that is where the Annapurna Bhandar debate ought to go beyond the familiar arguments over freebies, electoral politics and fiscal prudence.


One woman wrote in understandable anger: “People are acting so entitled in these posts as if it’s their birth right to get free money every month. How the hell did we stoop so low that the people of West Bengal, even from middle-class families, cannot run their homes without freebies?”


It is a legitimate question. But there is another one that may be even more important: if the State gives a woman money, who gets to decide how she spends it?


If the answer is still her husband, the welfare cheque may have changed hands without changing the household balance of power.


And that is when a scheme designed to empower women can become, perversely, another source of domestic conflict.


(The writer is an award-winning film scholar who writes extensively on social issues. Views personal.)

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