top of page

By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the...

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the question now is not what to build—but how quickly and seamlessly projects can be delivered. Urban mobility remains the backbone of MMR’s infrastructure agenda. Several metro corridors are at advanced stages, including the Andheri West–Vikhroli Metro Line 6 and extensions of the Colaba–Bandra–SEEPZ Metro Line 3. While construction has progressed steadily, coordination issues with municipal agencies—particularly related to road restoration, utilities shifting and traffic management—have often slowed execution. With elected civic bodies now politically aligned with the state government and agencies like MMRDA and MMRC, these bottlenecks are expected to ease. Decision-making on road closures, permissions for casting yards and last-mile integration with buses and footpaths could see faster turnarounds. Suburban rail projects such as the Panvel–Karjat corridor and additional railway lines on the Central and Western routes are also likely to benefit from smoother land acquisition and rehabilitation approvals, traditionally the most contentious municipal functions. Regional Connectivity MMR’s road infrastructure has expanded rapidly in recent years, but execution has often been uneven across municipal boundaries. Projects such as the Mumbai Coastal Road, the Goregaon–Mulund Link Road, the Thane–Borivali tunnel and the Airoli–Katai connector have regional significance but require constant coordination with local bodies for utilities, encroachments and traffic planning. Under a unified civic dispensation, authorities expect fewer inter-agency delays and greater willingness at the municipal level to prioritise regionally critical projects over hyper-local political considerations. The next phase of the Coastal Road, suburban creek bridges, and arterial road widening projects in fast-growing nodes like Vasai-Virar, Kalyan-Dombivli and Panvel could be streamlined as municipal corporations align their development plans with state transport objectives. Water Security Water supply remains one of the most politically sensitive infrastructure issues in MMR, particularly in peripheral urban zones. Projects such as the Surya Regional Water Supply Scheme and proposed dam developments in the Karjat region are designed to address chronic shortages in Mira-Bhayandar, Vasai-Virar and parts of Navi Mumbai. While these projects are state-driven, municipal cooperation is critical for distribution networks, billing systems and sewerage integration. With elected bodies replacing administrators, local governments are expected to accelerate last-mile pipelines, treatment plants and sewage networks that often lag behind bulk water infrastructure. Unified political control may also reduce resistance to tariff rationalisation and long-delayed sewage treatment upgrades mandated under environmental norms. Housing Integration One area where political alignment could have an outsized impact is redevelopment—particularly slum rehabilitation and transit-oriented development. Many large housing projects have stalled due to disputes between civic officials, state agencies and local political interests. A cohesive governance structure could fast-track approvals for cluster redevelopment near metro corridors, unlocking both housing supply and ridership potential. Municipal corporations are also likely to align their development control regulations more closely with state urban policy, enabling higher density near transport nodes and more predictable redevelopment timelines. This could be transformative for older suburbs and industrial belts awaiting regeneration. The return of elected municipal councils after years of administrative rule introduces political accountability but also sharper alignment with state priorities. Budget approvals, tendering processes and policy decisions that earlier faced delays due to political uncertainty are expected to move faster. Capital expenditure plans could increasingly reflect regional priorities rather than fragmented ward-level demands. However, challenges remain. Faster execution will depend not only on political control but on institutional capacity, contractor performance and financial discipline. Public scrutiny is also likely to intensify as elected representatives seek visible results within fixed tenures.

The Reluctant Rebel

Jharkhand CM Hemant Soren’s mix of pride and pragmatism defines both his rise and the fragility of his alliances.

Hemant Soren has never been one for grand theatrics. Measured, even brooding, the Jharkhand Chief Minister exudes a quiet defiance that conceals a calculating mind. The latest rupture with his allies in Bihar ahead of a key Assembly election has once again brought to the surface the contradictions that have long defined his politics: a leader proud of his roots yet bound by the compromises of coalition; a regional strongman who seeks relevance beyond his borders but remains tethered to the arithmetic of power at home.


Soren’s Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) startled allies earlier this month when it first announced plans to contest six seats in Bihar independently, accusing the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Congress of sidelining it in seat-sharing talks. Within days, it reversed course, withdrawing from the fray and denouncing what it called a “political conspiracy” by its partners. This seemingly impulsive episode encapsulated the tightrope Soren walks daily between assertion and accommodation.


The JMM had sought a modest twelve constituencies in Bihar, a state where its presence is minimal but its Chief Minister retains influence in the tribal belts that straddle the Jharkhand border. Denied even a token share, Soren’s initial act of rebellion was an assertion of self-respect and a signal to his allies that Jharkhand’s voice could not be muffled. Yet, the quick climbdown revealed his instinct for survival.


That instinct has served Soren well. His political journey has been marked by restraint rather than rage. As the son of Shibu Soren, the late patriarch of Jharkhand’s statehood movement, Hemant inherited both a legacy and a burden: to modernise a party born in tribal agitation without losing its moral claim to represent Jharkhand’s dispossessed. Since becoming Chief Minister for the fourth time last year, he has tried to walk that line by expanding welfare schemes, securing forest rights and promising jobs while projecting himself as a leader of quiet competence. Yet his tenure has also been shadowed by allegations of graft, land irregularities, and feuds with the state’s governor. Each crisis has tested, but not broken, his equilibrium.


Soren’s critics accuse him of being too cautious, too willing to bend rather than break. His supporters see that caution as wisdom in a state whose politics are a perpetual experiment in instability. Jharkhand has seen more governments collapse than complete their term since its creation in 2000. Soren’s coalition comprising the JMM, Congress, RJD and Left allies commands a comfortable majority of 56 seats in the 81-member assembly. But comfort in Jharkhand politics is fleeting. The Congress, holding four cabinet berths, has distanced itself from the Bihar fiasco, while RJD leaders have grumbled about being scapegoated.


The irony is that Soren’s outburst over Bihar may strengthen his hand at home. By dramatizing his frustration with ‘bigger’ allies, he can reclaim the posture of regional defender - something that plays well among Jharkhand’s tribal electorate. His party has already hinted that it will review the alliance’s functioning in Ranchi, a move likely intended to remind the Congress and RJD that Soren remains indispensable. Even so, the episode has weakened the opposition’s projection of unity at a time when the INDIA bloc can least afford to look fractured.


Soren’s politics are deeply personal. He rarely raises his voice, preferring the slow burn of grievance to the spectacle of confrontation. But beneath the reserve lies a pride that occasionally bursts through the seams, as it did in Bihar.


To mistake Soren’s restraint for weakness would be an error. He has outlasted rivals, survived investigations, and held together a coalition that many expected to unravel within months. His ability to absorb insult without immediate retaliation has kept him afloat in a system that punishes ego as swiftly as it rewards patience.


While Soren’s quietness can appear disarming, it conceals the temperament of a man who knows when to fight and when to wait.


His predicament mirrors the paradox of India’s regional chieftains who are too important to ignore, but too constrained to dominate. His attempt to extend influence beyond Jharkhand’s borders has underscored both his ambition and his limitations. In retreating from Bihar, he avoided the humiliation of defeat, but also revealed how slender his margin of manoeuvre has become.


That said, while the reluctant rebel of Ranchi may not have the luxury of grand rebellion, he understands that endurance, too, is a form of power.

Comments


bottom of page