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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

The Road Not Taken: Could Eastern Europe Have Forged Its Own Path?

It is tempting to speculate if Ukraine and its historically-scarred neighbours had forged a pragmatic regional bloc instead of hankering after NATO membership.

In the chessboard of post-Cold War geopolitics, few gambits have been as costly as Ukraine’s pursuit of NATO membership. It was an aspiration long in the making, spurred by historical grievances against Russia, stoked by the promise of Western security and ultimately culminating in a brutal war that has left the country battered, its cities in ruins and its future uncertain. But what if Ukraine, and indeed much of Eastern Europe, had charted a different course?


History seldom offers clean hypotheticals, yet it is tempting to imagine an alternative - one where these ‘bloodlands’ once caught between Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia (to borrow the title of Timothy Snyder’s powerful book) had coalesced into a bloc of their own, independent of both Western and Eastern hegemonies. A hypothetical ‘East European Union’ that could have prioritized regional security, economic cooperation and mutual defence without becoming entangled in the power struggles between NATO and Russia. Such a path was never truly considered. Instead, countries of the former Eastern Bloc drifted westward, seeking solace in the institutions that had once viewed them as Cold War pawns.


The region has, for centuries, been the fault line of empires - Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, German and Soviet. The breaking of Nazi Germany’s stranglehold over this region was followed by tightening of Moscow’s iron grip under Joseph Stalin. To quote Churchill, an ‘Iron Curtain’ descended on this region, and for nearly half a century, as the Cold War raged, Eastern Europe was reduced to a collection of satellite states, ruled by Kremlin-appointed puppets who siphoned national wealth to serve Soviet ambitions.


When the USSR collapsed in 1991, the region’s nations found themselves adrift, struggling to redefine their identities in a rapidly changing world. While Gorbachev’s policies of Glasnost and Perestroika cracked open the Soviet monolith, they also exposed the economic stagnation and political repression plaguing Eastern Europe for decades.


Missed Opportunity

In the 1990s, as Western Europe cemented its unity through the European Union, Eastern Europe remained fragmented. Countries like Poland, Hungary and Romania sought EU and NATO membership as a means of securing their newfound sovereignty. Ukraine, however, found itself in a precarious position being too large, too geopolitically sensitive and too entangled with Russia to make a clean break. Had Ukraine, along with its regional neighbours, sought to build a separate coalition, one neither beholden to Moscow nor dependent on Washington, could it have averted its current crisis?


Ukraine’s flirtation with NATO was always going to be provocative. The military alliance’s constitution permits the installation of lethal intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) within member states - an intolerable prospect for Russia when placed right across its border. NATO’s gradual expansion eastward had already set off alarm bells in Moscow, and Ukraine’s growing Western orientation was the final straw.


Imagine, for a moment, if China were to establish a missile base in Sri Lanka’s Hambantota port, mere miles from India’s southern coast. The outcry from New Delhi would be deafening, and a military response almost inevitable. This is precisely how Russia viewed Ukraine’s potential NATO membership: an existential threat.


Thus, in 2022, Vladimir Putin acted pre-emptively, launching an invasion under the guise of protecting Russian interests. Ukraine, now three years into a devastating war, has paid the price of its NATO ambitions with thousands of lives. Entire cities lie in ruins. The economy has been shattered. The U.S. under Trump has curtailed its military aid, and while Europe and the UK remain sympathetic, their financial and military capacities are limited. Meanwhile, peace talks remain elusive, trapped in a cycle of accusations, counter-accusations, and failed negotiations.


It is tantalizing to speculate what might have happened had Ukraine and its Eastern European neighbours pursued a path that prioritized regional unity over alignment with global superpowers instead of chasing NATO membership. The idea is not without precedent. Regional alliances have long shaped global politics, instances being the Nordic Council, the Gulf Cooperation Council, ASEAN. An Eastern European Union, had it existed, might have provided Ukraine with the safety and stability it so desperately sought, without the antagonism that NATO membership entailed.


Such a bloc could still be conceivable today. If Ukraine, Poland, Romania, Hungary and other regional players came together in a strategic alliance, they might be able to strike a security deal with Russia - one that preserves their sovereignty while maintaining economic ties with the West. This approach would require pragmatic leadership, diplomatic finesse and a departure from the entrenched Cold War mentality that continues to shape East-West relations.


But geopolitics is rarely governed by reason alone. It is driven by ambition, fear and historical grievances. And so, while an Eastern European coalition remains an intriguing possibility, the more likely reality is that Ukraine will continue to suffer the consequences of its NATO aspirations.


In the end, Ukraine’s NATO dream may not have been a mistake in principle, but in execution. A dream pursued without sufficient power to defend it, without full commitment from allies, and without a clear understanding of Russia’s red lines, can quickly turn into a nightmare. For Ukraine and the world, the cost of this miscalculation is still being counted.

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