The Thackeray Equation
- Abhijit Joshi

- Nov 14, 2025
- 3 min read
The Congress dithers and the BJP calculates as the Thackeray cousins weigh their next move as civic polls loom.

Politics in Maharashtra has long been a study in timing - the art of knowing when to provoke, when to retreat, and when to deploy the nuisance value of allies and adversaries. For decades, the Congress excelled at this game. In Maharashtra, this mastery produced a delicate choreography with Balasaheb Thackeray’s Shiv Sena. Often derided as the Congress’s ‘B-team,’ or ‘Vasant Sena’ (the party benefited from then Chief Minister Vasantrao Naik’s strategic indulgence), Naik saw in the Sena a convenient counterweight to both leftist unions and the Congress’s internal rivals, ensuring access to the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation and securing localised zones of influence that suited both sides.
That arrangement unravelled in the late 1980s. The Bharatiya Janata Party’s ascent, coupled with the surge of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, redrew political boundaries. The Sena seized its moment, partnering with the BJP to build a saffron citadel that would dominate the state for decades. Today, the BJP’s leadership demonstrates a similar sensitivity to political timing, particularly in its calibrated use of Raj Thackeray. His Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) is deployed as a tactical instrument - disruptive enough to unsettle opponents in urban pockets, yet not powerful enough to threaten the BJP’s core electorate.
By contrast, the Congress appears less nimble. Raj Thackeray could erode the BJP’s influence in several municipal wards, especially in Mumbai, Pune and Nashik. Yet the Congress shies away from engagement. Its discomfort was evident during the ‘Satyacha Morcha,’ where senior leaders stayed away for fear of antagonising North Indian voters - an opening the swiftly exploited by the BJP. The question now consuming the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) is whether to bring the MNS into its fold, and whether hesitation could prove costlier than inclusion.
Civic elections sharpen these dilemmas. Margins are wafer-thin, loyalties hyperlocal, and organisational discipline matters more than rhetoric. Any friction within the opposition only strengthens the saffron combine.
High risk
The Congress’s reservations about MNS are both ideological and electoral. Raj Thackeray’s past attacks on North Indian migrants and his Marathi-first posture sit uneasily with the Congress’s minority support base. A formal partnership risks alienating Uttar Pradesh and Bihar-origin voters who remain crucial in several municipal segments. It also threatens the party’s national messaging at a moment when it is struggling to regain relevance in the Hindi heartland. State leaders may privately see the utility of MNS support, but the high command perceives reputational risk.
Even managing the ambitions of Shiv Sena (UBT), Congress and the NCP (Sharad Pawar) strains the alliance’s coordination committee; adding another personality-driven outfit would invite fresh complications. The most sensitive battlegrounds - Mumbai and Thane - are precisely where seat-sharing negotiations are already fraught.
Caught between these competing pressures is Uddhav Thackeray, whose political future is more entwined with alliance stability than ever before. The 2022 split that hollowed out his party made the Congress and NCP indispensable to his relevance, both in the Assembly and within the broader INDIA bloc. Breaking from the MVA to align formally with Raj Thackeray would damage Uddhav’s national stature, dilute his appeal among minorities who now see him as a moderate, and hand the BJP an easy victory by splintering the opposition.
Yet signs of a thaw between the Thackeray cousins are unmistakable. Their recent convergence on linguistic and cultural issues, and mutual criticism of the BJP-led state government, has fuelled speculation about informal coordination. If the Congress refuses a formal tie-up, Uddhav may still broker a quiet operational understanding in form of ward-level seat adjustments, joint protests on civic issues, or behind-the-scenes cooperation in neighbourhoods where MNS’s influence remains intact. Such an approach would allow the MVA to benefit from MNS vote transfers without forcing the Congress into an ideological corner.
Raj Thackeray, for his part, remains the mercurial constant in this political equation. His public posture emphasises independence. But the party faces shrinking cadre strength, financial constraints and the erosion of its once-potent urban Marathi appeal. What Raj seeks is neither subordination nor ideological compromise, but a formula that preserves autonomy while expanding electoral relevance.
As Maharashtra enters an intense electoral cycle, these shifting alliances and calibrated misunderstandings will shape outcomes in municipalities far more than ideological proclamations. The Congress’s anxieties, Uddhav’s balancing act and Raj’s strategic ambiguity form the opposition’s internal labyrinth. The BJP, meanwhile, waits with characteristic discipline for missteps it can convert into advantage.
In the end, Maharashtra’s politics still runs on timing. The next few months will reveal who grasps that lesson and who learns it too late.
(The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)





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