top of page

By:

Anusreeta Dutta

26 April 2026 at 1:22:24 pm

One Maharashtra, Unequal Priorities

Six decades after statehood, constitutional safeguards remain necessary to bridge the gap between western Maharashtra and the regions left behind. Maharashtra is often referred to as India’s economic engine. The state, which is home to Mumbai’s financial ecosystem and Pune’s industrial corridor, contributes about 14 percent to the GDP of India. There is a long-standing dispute behind this achievement that has affected state politics for decades. Is every district in Maharashtra thriving at...

One Maharashtra, Unequal Priorities

Six decades after statehood, constitutional safeguards remain necessary to bridge the gap between western Maharashtra and the regions left behind. Maharashtra is often referred to as India’s economic engine. The state, which is home to Mumbai’s financial ecosystem and Pune’s industrial corridor, contributes about 14 percent to the GDP of India. There is a long-standing dispute behind this achievement that has affected state politics for decades. Is every district in Maharashtra thriving at the same pace? It is not just a political question. It is written into the Constitution proper. Unlike most states in India, Maharashtra has a unique constitutional provision under Article 371(2) which empowers the Governor to ensure that development funding and opportunities are equally shared between Vidarbha, Marathwada and the rest of Maharashtra. The clause was born out of fears that some areas would be forgotten once the state was established in 1960. Six decades later, the existence of this constitutional safeguard raises an uncomfortable question: why does Maharashtra need tools to balance regional development still? Regional Disparity The seeds of regional disparity were sown long before the birth of Maharashtra. Western Maharashtra had early investments in irrigation, cooperative sugar mills, educational institutions and transportation. The centres of industrial growth followed by agricultural commercialisation were Pune, Satara, Sangli, Kolhapur and part of Nashik. Vidarbha and Marathwada chose the other. Agriculture was still heavily dependent on monsoon rains, industrialization was slow and irrigation coverage was less than the state averages. Regional studies in Maharashtra have repeatedly shown that irrigation intensity and agricultural yield are higher in western districts than in much of eastern Maharashtra. These differences subsequently led to calls for institutional safeguards. In contrast, in western Maharashtra, government moves are increasingly geared towards growth, not deficit reduction. The region’s success is built on industrial corridors, logistics infrastructure, urban mobility projects and advanced manufacturing clusters. Pune has emerged as a hub for vehicles, computer technology, defence production and startups. Mumbai remains a major draw for investment in metro rail networks, coastal roadways, financial services infrastructure and international business zones. Agricultural practices in western Maharashtra are in a relatively advanced stage of development. Irrigation coverage is much better than many districts in the east, so the authorities can concentrate on raising productivity, export-oriented, value-added farming and agro-processing industries. Western Maharashtra’s policy, in a nutshell, is to make competitive regions more competitive. Eastern Maharashtra is very different. Here, the Governments have not only focused on accelerating growth but also on reducing the backlog of development. The main policy question is irrigation. For many decades official studies have consistently identified irrigation as the most important factor for regional disparities. Even with dedicated funds, the backlog of irrigation in Vidarbha and Marathwada kept growing, requiring repeated interventions by successive governments. To tackle this, region-specific irrigation corporations, such as Vidarbha Irrigation Development Corporation (VIDC) and Godavari Marathwada Irrigation Development Corporation (GMIDC) were established with a specific mandate to speed up water infrastructure projects. The Union Government has sanctioned a special irrigation package for Vidarbha, Marathwada and draught prone areas of Maharashtra, with an objective to increase irrigation potential and improve water security of the farmers. Even today, a lot of public money is spent on irrigation projects in eastern Maharashtra. Government affidavits and parliamentary replies say crores of rupees are spent every year to make up for irrigation shortfalls and to finish long-pending projects. This emphasis reflects an important reality: while the western part of Maharashtra talks about competitiveness, the eastern part of Maharashtra continues to debate water access. Another area where there are divergent approaches is industrial policy. Market forces have played a major role in the industrial expansion of western Maharashtra, a process assisted by the existing infrastructure and urbanization. In contrast, Eastern Maharashtra has frequently depended on state-led interventions to draw investment to lagging regions. Projects such as the Multi-modal International Cargo Hub and Airport at Nagpur (MIHAN), logistics corridors, special industrial incentives and infrastructure subsidies were to divert industrial expansion away from the Mumbai-Pune region. Likewise, recent government announcements have earmarked Vidarbha to become a future hub for solar energy, semiconductors, aerospace manufacturing and logistics, with Marathwada being pitched for electric vehicle and electronics investments. Whereas in western Maharashtra, the policy tends to buttress pre-existing advantages, in eastern Maharashtra the industrial policy aims to generate such advantages from the beginning. Regional Equilibrium These divisions have persisted, leading to separate institutions of governance. Vidarbha and Marathwada have statutory development boards to monitor regional imbalances and recommend corrective actions. Their emergence is an indication of a broader acceptance that market forces alone have not been adequate to promote balanced growth in Maharashtra. The second capital of Maharashtra is also Nagpur. The same ideology. The state legislature meets every winter in eastern Maharashtra to ensure that the issues concerning the region remain in the political focus. The issues discussed generally are irrigation, agriculture, tribal welfare and regional development in these sessions. The controversy over regional equity, however, is still unresolved. According to critics, despite decades of special packages and focused strategies, many irrigation projects continue to face delays, cost overruns and implementation problems. Several big projects in Vidarbha remain incomplete despite years of cash pledges. There is now a growing body of policy thinking that suggests that Maharashtra may have to give up the very terminology of backlog elimination. In its own discussion on balanced regional development, the state attaches more importance to reforms in governance, diversification of the economy and speeding up growth, than to compensatory spending. The challenge is not just building canals and roadways anymore but building lasting economic ecosystems that can hold on to talent, draw investment and create jobs beyond the traditional Mumbai-Pune boom corridor. The real test for Maharashtra will be whether future policies can turn Vidarbha and Marathwada from regions requiring special support to regions capable of driving growth on their own. Till then Maharashtra’s development story will be two stories. (The author is a columnist and climate researcher with experience in political research analysis and energy policy. Views personal.)

The Unbroken Captain

Imran Khan’s political innings continues in defiance against Pakistan’s generals.

Imran Khan has never been one for half-measures. As a cricketer, he led Pakistan to its sole World Cup triumph in 1992, retiring at the peak of his fame. As a politician, he rebranded himself as the incorruptible outsider, promising to cleanse Pakistan’s politics of dynastic rot and military manipulation. Today, at 72, he remains both the country’s most charismatic figure and its most polarising.


His long-running clash with Pakistan’s Army and its current chief Asim Munir, has been the most dramatic in Pakistan’s long history of civil-military tussles.

Earlier this week, Pakistan’s Supreme Court threw Khan a lifeline by granting him bail in eight cases linked to the violent protests of May 9, 2023. As a yardstick of his popularity, his supporters stormed military installations and government buildings on August 22 in an eruption of fury that rattled the army’s long-unchallenged dominance in politics.


Few leaders before Imran, whether Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the 1970s or Nawaz Sharif in the 1990s, have survived a head-on collision with the generals. Bhutto was hanged, Sharif exiled. But Khan, jailed after being ousted in 2022 and barred from public office, still dominates the national conversation. His party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), splintered under pressure. Yet even from prison, Khan remains the rallying point for millions, his voice amplified through social media and loyalists.


The Pakistani army has long been the real arbiter of power, shaping governments and crushing those who challenged its authority. Khan himself was once its favoured protégé, elevated in 2018 with the generals’ blessing as a pliant alternative to the Sharifs and Bhuttos. But he grew unpredictable. His populist defiance of America, his refusal to toe the military’s line on foreign policy, and his unwillingness to accommodate Munir, whose appointment as army chief he initially opposed, turned an alliance into enmity. By April 2022, a parliamentary no-confidence vote, orchestrated with military backing, removed him from office.


For most Pakistani leaders, such a fall would have spelled irrelevance. Yet Khan’s resilience lies in his cultivated image as a man apart. He rails against corruption, portrays himself as a victim of elite conspiracies, and taps into an electorate weary of dynasties. His cricketing past still colours his politics when he speaks of strategy, stamina and fair play, presenting himself as a captain who will not abandon his team. His rhetoric resonates with a generation of young voters, half of whom are under 30.


The costs, however, are steep. The army has hit back hard. Khan’s imprisonment on corruption and ‘state secrets’ charges has crippled his direct participation in politics. Dozens of his allies have defected under pressure. The military establishment has sought to erase him from the electoral field. Yet poll results have proved that Khan’s charisma cannot be excised from Pakistan’s politics. His enduring popularity complicates the generals’ plans for a compliant civilian order.


History offers grim warnings. Civilian leaders who challenge the army rarely emerge unscathed. The army has repeatedly reasserted its supremacy, whether by coup or coercion. And yet, Khan’s defiance has exposed cracks in this pattern. Unlike Bhutto or Sharif, he commands a digitally savvy base that refuses to accept the military’s narrative. His image as a sporting hero, philanthropist and nationalist makes it harder for his opponents to vilify him outright.


Still, his path is fraught. Pakistan’s economy is on life support, dependent on IMF bailouts. Inflation and unemployment fuel public anger. For all Khan’s charisma, he offers little by way of policy beyond slogans of justice and sovereignty.


Yet one fact is undeniable: Imran Khan remains the centre of gravity in Pakistani politics. He is the cricketer who refuses to retire even when the umpires of Rawalpindi have already raised their finger.

Comments


bottom of page