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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the...

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the question now is not what to build—but how quickly and seamlessly projects can be delivered. Urban mobility remains the backbone of MMR’s infrastructure agenda. Several metro corridors are at advanced stages, including the Andheri West–Vikhroli Metro Line 6 and extensions of the Colaba–Bandra–SEEPZ Metro Line 3. While construction has progressed steadily, coordination issues with municipal agencies—particularly related to road restoration, utilities shifting and traffic management—have often slowed execution. With elected civic bodies now politically aligned with the state government and agencies like MMRDA and MMRC, these bottlenecks are expected to ease. Decision-making on road closures, permissions for casting yards and last-mile integration with buses and footpaths could see faster turnarounds. Suburban rail projects such as the Panvel–Karjat corridor and additional railway lines on the Central and Western routes are also likely to benefit from smoother land acquisition and rehabilitation approvals, traditionally the most contentious municipal functions. Regional Connectivity MMR’s road infrastructure has expanded rapidly in recent years, but execution has often been uneven across municipal boundaries. Projects such as the Mumbai Coastal Road, the Goregaon–Mulund Link Road, the Thane–Borivali tunnel and the Airoli–Katai connector have regional significance but require constant coordination with local bodies for utilities, encroachments and traffic planning. Under a unified civic dispensation, authorities expect fewer inter-agency delays and greater willingness at the municipal level to prioritise regionally critical projects over hyper-local political considerations. The next phase of the Coastal Road, suburban creek bridges, and arterial road widening projects in fast-growing nodes like Vasai-Virar, Kalyan-Dombivli and Panvel could be streamlined as municipal corporations align their development plans with state transport objectives. Water Security Water supply remains one of the most politically sensitive infrastructure issues in MMR, particularly in peripheral urban zones. Projects such as the Surya Regional Water Supply Scheme and proposed dam developments in the Karjat region are designed to address chronic shortages in Mira-Bhayandar, Vasai-Virar and parts of Navi Mumbai. While these projects are state-driven, municipal cooperation is critical for distribution networks, billing systems and sewerage integration. With elected bodies replacing administrators, local governments are expected to accelerate last-mile pipelines, treatment plants and sewage networks that often lag behind bulk water infrastructure. Unified political control may also reduce resistance to tariff rationalisation and long-delayed sewage treatment upgrades mandated under environmental norms. Housing Integration One area where political alignment could have an outsized impact is redevelopment—particularly slum rehabilitation and transit-oriented development. Many large housing projects have stalled due to disputes between civic officials, state agencies and local political interests. A cohesive governance structure could fast-track approvals for cluster redevelopment near metro corridors, unlocking both housing supply and ridership potential. Municipal corporations are also likely to align their development control regulations more closely with state urban policy, enabling higher density near transport nodes and more predictable redevelopment timelines. This could be transformative for older suburbs and industrial belts awaiting regeneration. The return of elected municipal councils after years of administrative rule introduces political accountability but also sharper alignment with state priorities. Budget approvals, tendering processes and policy decisions that earlier faced delays due to political uncertainty are expected to move faster. Capital expenditure plans could increasingly reflect regional priorities rather than fragmented ward-level demands. However, challenges remain. Faster execution will depend not only on political control but on institutional capacity, contractor performance and financial discipline. Public scrutiny is also likely to intensify as elected representatives seek visible results within fixed tenures.

The Unbroken Captain

Imran Khan’s political innings continues in defiance against Pakistan’s generals.

Imran Khan has never been one for half-measures. As a cricketer, he led Pakistan to its sole World Cup triumph in 1992, retiring at the peak of his fame. As a politician, he rebranded himself as the incorruptible outsider, promising to cleanse Pakistan’s politics of dynastic rot and military manipulation. Today, at 72, he remains both the country’s most charismatic figure and its most polarising.


His long-running clash with Pakistan’s Army and its current chief Asim Munir, has been the most dramatic in Pakistan’s long history of civil-military tussles.

Earlier this week, Pakistan’s Supreme Court threw Khan a lifeline by granting him bail in eight cases linked to the violent protests of May 9, 2023. As a yardstick of his popularity, his supporters stormed military installations and government buildings on August 22 in an eruption of fury that rattled the army’s long-unchallenged dominance in politics.


Few leaders before Imran, whether Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the 1970s or Nawaz Sharif in the 1990s, have survived a head-on collision with the generals. Bhutto was hanged, Sharif exiled. But Khan, jailed after being ousted in 2022 and barred from public office, still dominates the national conversation. His party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), splintered under pressure. Yet even from prison, Khan remains the rallying point for millions, his voice amplified through social media and loyalists.


The Pakistani army has long been the real arbiter of power, shaping governments and crushing those who challenged its authority. Khan himself was once its favoured protégé, elevated in 2018 with the generals’ blessing as a pliant alternative to the Sharifs and Bhuttos. But he grew unpredictable. His populist defiance of America, his refusal to toe the military’s line on foreign policy, and his unwillingness to accommodate Munir, whose appointment as army chief he initially opposed, turned an alliance into enmity. By April 2022, a parliamentary no-confidence vote, orchestrated with military backing, removed him from office.


For most Pakistani leaders, such a fall would have spelled irrelevance. Yet Khan’s resilience lies in his cultivated image as a man apart. He rails against corruption, portrays himself as a victim of elite conspiracies, and taps into an electorate weary of dynasties. His cricketing past still colours his politics when he speaks of strategy, stamina and fair play, presenting himself as a captain who will not abandon his team. His rhetoric resonates with a generation of young voters, half of whom are under 30.


The costs, however, are steep. The army has hit back hard. Khan’s imprisonment on corruption and ‘state secrets’ charges has crippled his direct participation in politics. Dozens of his allies have defected under pressure. The military establishment has sought to erase him from the electoral field. Yet poll results have proved that Khan’s charisma cannot be excised from Pakistan’s politics. His enduring popularity complicates the generals’ plans for a compliant civilian order.


History offers grim warnings. Civilian leaders who challenge the army rarely emerge unscathed. The army has repeatedly reasserted its supremacy, whether by coup or coercion. And yet, Khan’s defiance has exposed cracks in this pattern. Unlike Bhutto or Sharif, he commands a digitally savvy base that refuses to accept the military’s narrative. His image as a sporting hero, philanthropist and nationalist makes it harder for his opponents to vilify him outright.


Still, his path is fraught. Pakistan’s economy is on life support, dependent on IMF bailouts. Inflation and unemployment fuel public anger. For all Khan’s charisma, he offers little by way of policy beyond slogans of justice and sovereignty.


Yet one fact is undeniable: Imran Khan remains the centre of gravity in Pakistani politics. He is the cricketer who refuses to retire even when the umpires of Rawalpindi have already raised their finger.

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