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By:

Minal Sancheti

2 May 2026 at 12:26:53 pm

‘Transparent, smarter, faster, and corruption-free’

Mumbai Mayor Ritu Tawde dreams of Mumbai’s transformation with innovative ideas and team work Pic: Bhushan Koyande On May 22, Ritu Tawde completed 100 days as Mumbai’s Mayor. She is the only second Mayor of the City of Dreams from the BJP. In an exclusive conversation with Minal Sancheti, Tawde outlines her plans for Mumbai in the coming days. Excerts… What were some of the challenges you faced in these 100 days? With the support of PM Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, I...

‘Transparent, smarter, faster, and corruption-free’

Mumbai Mayor Ritu Tawde dreams of Mumbai’s transformation with innovative ideas and team work Pic: Bhushan Koyande On May 22, Ritu Tawde completed 100 days as Mumbai’s Mayor. She is the only second Mayor of the City of Dreams from the BJP. In an exclusive conversation with Minal Sancheti, Tawde outlines her plans for Mumbai in the coming days. Excerts… What were some of the challenges you faced in these 100 days? With the support of PM Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, I got the position of Mayor of Mumbai. For four years, there were no corporators. People have expectations that the civic issues will be solved. Earlier, there was an administrator mindset and methodology of working without a corporator. This mindset needed to be changed. In addition to that, speeding up infrastructure work and projects was a big task. Civic issues due to pre-monsoon work, like drainage repair, cement concretisation of roads, and AQI, are the prime issues to be addressed. Can you tell us about your plans to make Mumbai develop in terms of environment as well as infrastructure? BMC is already implementing a cement concrete road project to ensure that the city is free from potholes. There are different infrastructure projects which are being undertaken by various authorities, including flyovers, metros, railover bridges, and redevelopment projects, etc. After the year 2014, Mumbai has seen rapid development projects such as the coastal road, Atal Setu, and Metro 3. These projects have really transformed Mumbai into a global city. BMC has also undertaken various infrastructure projects. Some of them have already been completed. As far as the environment is concerned, BMC has taken several measures. BMC has issued and is ensuring the strict implementation of pollution control guidelines. These guidelines apply to government construction sites and projects as well. BMC has developed urban forests at more than 60 places, and we are trying to create greener spaces at open plots, locations, and under flyovers, wherever possible. BMC also ensures the strict implementation of a ban on single-use plastics. We have approved the work on the Gargai Dam. The dam is being built to fulfil the future water needs of the city. It was long pending, and we also reduced the cost of building the dam. What changes are you planning in the city's administration? When contested elections were held by the BJP, we requested citizens to send suggestions so that we could achieve a good outcome and chalk out the plan. Based on that, we created a manifesto, and after winning the election, I, as a mayor and member of the Mahayuti alliance, have declared a 100-day programme. What are your priorities? Water, cleanliness, health, education, etc. My colleagues and I have decided to work on the ground because there is so much pre-monsoon work being carried out. This includes desilting rivers and nallas, road works, road repairing, trimming of trees, cleaning of side drains, and many others. Also, I visited some of the project sites, like the redevelopment of Siddharth Hospital and Rajawadi Hospital, to ensure speedy, proper work. The site visit always helps to take a stock of the situation and understand the ground realities. We see many demolitions being carried out. What do you plan to do with the spaces? The land, which is owned by the government, BMC, or any other authority, is always invaluable. These lands are important for developing the projects and extending the capacity of existing projects and infrastructure. Thus, if any encroachment or illegal construction is found, then it has to be demolished. Someone living on government land cannot claim ownership of the land. Before demolition, every authority ensures adherence to the procedure to vacate the space, which also includes verification of proof of residence and eligibility for rehabilitation. Those who are eligible get rehabilitation. What changes are you planning in the city's administration? We have started with the aim to transform the administration by making it citizen-friendly, faster, and smarter. By doing this, we want to meet the global standards. Mumbai, being the country’s financial capital, needs robust administration. We need 100 per cent digitalisation by incorporating AI at various levels and corruption-free governance. This is what we are aiming for. Being a local self-government, BMC is bound to provide basic civic services and amenities to the citizens of Mumbai. As I mentioned earlier, we have given sanction to the Gargai Dam project, which will boost water supply once completed. We have also launched the Mumbai Clean League 2026 to improve public sanitation and cleanliness at public and tourist places. This league will run for a year, and it will also invite public participation. We are also focusing on the improvement of the public health system. We are focused on the timely completion of hospital infrastructure projects, the development of the Hospital Information Management System, as well as the availability of medicines and other facilities. We have developed a dashboard where everyone can see the availability of beds at BMC hospitals. As far as education is concerned, we have initiated procurement of 27 articles from the GeM Portal, which are to be given free of cost to the students. This GeM procurement is happening for the first time in the history of BMC. The procurement will be placed on the GEM portal, ensuring a transparent and corruption-free process. This will also save crores of rupees. Do you think Mumbai's Mayor should have more executive powers? In what terms? Yes. Mumbai is the capital of Maharashtra and the financial capital of Bharat. BMC is the richest and biggest corporation in the world. Mayors and councillors are the representatives of citizens in general. To meet the expectations of the people, executive power and rights may be accorded. This would help to perform more efficiently. How do you look at the women's governance in the BMC? I am thankful to the CM Devendra Fadnavis. His visionary leadership and trust in women's power are something that the state has never seen before. In BMC, apart from the mayor, out of 27 different committees, 17 have been given to women, including BEST, Improvement, and Education Committee. The post of Municipal Commissioner has been given to a woman in the form of Mrs. Ashwini Bhide. It is for the first time that a lady has been appointed as a Municipal Commissioner in the history of 155 years of BMC. There are a total of 138 lady councillors in the house. There are many key administrative positions in which women are working. From the labourers to security, the disaster management, and administrative office work, in every possible position, women are showing they are efficient. In short, whether it is a deliberative wing or an administrative wing, women have already proved their mettle. However, society still needs to change its mindset and accept that women should be given more positions, rights, and dignity because women's empowerment ultimately results in the strengthening of society and the nation. What is something that you will do that the earlier Mayors did not do? Every mayor works in their own way, depending on the political party and the needs of the hour. Overall, the work depends on all the circumstances. So the work of a particular mayor cannot be compared to that of others. As the mayor of the BJP after 44 years in BMC, I feel that not only Mumbai or Maharashtra, but the entire nation is looking at the performance of the Mayor of Mumbai closely. I am aware of the expectation of the Mumbaikars since after four years Mumbai has got its Mayor. In the term, I will try my best. I will work for making Mumbai transparent, smarter, faster, and corruption-free governance. This will remain our core objective during the tenure. What is your dream project that you aim to complete? I wish to build a themed-based entrance at the check naka of Dahisar, Airoli, Mulund, and Vashi. We will make lounges, washrooms, restrooms, self-help group stalls, special rooms for women, a parking facility, a garden, and a green belt. We will ensure that the facility remains environmentally friendly. The work has already started at Dahisar.

Theatre of Succession: Inside the RJD’s Most Turbulent Season Yet

The great Yadav household melodrama, replete with scandal and sibling rivalry, is prompting questions as to whether the discord is a genuine rupture or a political smokescreen

Patna: India’s politics has long been sustained by families that look more like hereditary courts than democratic organisations. Across the Republic, parties have been shaped by clans that dispense power, manage patronage networks and fight internecine battles with all the fervour of medieval royalty. The quarrels within such houses often prompted by ambition, insecurity or electoral misfortune have famously spilled into public view in the past. But just as often, they are choreographed for effect as well. In either case, the spectacle tends to distract from the deeper rot which is the inability of political institutions to outgrow familial control.


Bihar, long accustomed to political drama, now finds itself riveted by a fresh episode from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). The party, once hailed for advancing social justice, increasingly resembles a dynasty struggling to preserve its influence against a well-organised opposition and its own internal frictions. The latest unrest has erupted within the household of its founder, Lalu Prasad Yadav, a man whose political cunning is matched only by his flair for theatre. The resulting rumble has prompted one persistent question: is the Yadav family truly breaking apart, or is the disorder merely an artfully crafted political smokescreen?


Mirage of Discord

Political watchers have long repeated a maxim: what is visible is rarely the truth, and what is truthful is seldom visible. These words sit neatly atop the present disarray within the RJD. What began as a controlled consolidation of leadership around Tejashwi Yadav, Lalu’s anointed heir, now seems to have spiralled. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Janata Dal (United) and other allies within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) have wasted no time in exploiting the faultlines, eager to depict the RJD as a family business collapsing under its own contradictions.


This time, the spark was electoral humiliation. The RJD contested the Bihar Assembly polls entirely under Tejashwi’s command. The campaign was energetic, but voters rendered a damning verdict. The party managed only 25 seats; the entire opposition Grand Alliance could garner a meagre 35 seats. Tejashwi’s messaging on unemployment and inflation fell flat, while the NDA milked old corruption scandals and fresh investigations to keep him on the defensive. As the dust settled, Tejashwi’s competence, credibility and claim to leadership were all questioned privately within the RJD, and loudly outside it.


Unable to fix blame on any identifiable strategist, the family responded with a counter- narrative of internal division, which was floated conveniently after the electoral rout. The discord, or the appearance of it, seemed designed to prevent Tejashwi from becoming the sole repository of blame. Yet, the gambit may have backfired. What began as a diversion now threatens to consume the party’s already depleted cohesion.


Ominous Signs

The first signs of rupture emerged when Lalu’s second daughter, Rohini Acharya, lambasted two of Tejashwi’s chief advisers - Sanjay Yadav and Rameez - for ruining the party’s electoral prospects. Her abrupt departure from Patna triggered a media storm. Rohini, a Singapore-based doctor, is not usually immersed in day-to-day politics; she visits only during significant festivals or election campaigns. Her exit, therefore, was interpreted less as familial irritation and more as political symbolism.


Her siblings soon followed. Chanda returned to her home, where she lives with her husband, a pilot with Indian Airlines. Ragini went back to her business and political engagements. Rajlaxmi, married into the Samajwadi Party’s influential Mulayam Singh Yadav clan, resumed her life in Uttar Pradesh. Their dispersal, largely routine given their professional commitments, was amplified by the press into evidence of implosion. Yet until the election results, the family had projected perfect harmony. Even Tej Pratap Yadav, the mercurial elder son who contested separately, had maintained an unusual restraint. It was only after the loss that tempers rose and recriminations became public.


The RJD now faces a peculiar predicament. Its shrunken tally deprived it of automatic recognition as the official opposition in the Assembly; it must rely on its adversaries -  the BJP and the JD(U) - to grant that status. Tejashwi, weakened within the party, cannot afford another blow to his legitimacy. In such circumstances, the family rift narrative served an expedient purpose: to disperse responsibility, ignite sympathy, and provide breathing space for the heir-apparent. But the danger of strategic melodrama is that it can easily mutate into unmanageable conflict.


The Yadavs are hardly unique in this. Indian politics is littered with dynasties that have aired their domestic quarrels in public, partly to demonstrate ideological passion and partly to reinforce the indispensability of the family itself. Fissures, when used cleverly, can project vigour; fragmentation, when controlled, can signal renewal. But when the act begins to look too polished, even loyalists grow weary.


Parallel Sagas

The saga draws parallels with Maharashtra, where the Shiv Sena has endured multiple ruptures over lineage and philosophy. The split between Bal Thackeray’s son Uddhav and his nephew Raj produced the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), sending the Thackeray legacy down two divergent political tracks. In 2022, another schism emerged between Uddhav and Eknath Shinde over the party’s alliance choices and its alleged drift from the ‘original’ Hindutva. Shinde’s rebellion, later validated by the Supreme Court, drained Uddhav’s ranks and reshaped the state’s political map.


In Uttar Pradesh, Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party endured its own fraternal duel. The confrontation between son Akhilesh and uncle Shivpal was as much about control of the party machinery as about ideological direction. In the end, generational ascendancy triumphed, but not without leaving deep scars.


The RJD’s predicament echoes these stories. But its conflict is stripped of any ideological pretence. It is, at its core, a contest for legitimacy and dynastic permanence.


Tej Pratap Factor

Complicating matters further is Tej Pratap Yadav, whose personal life has frequently spilled into the public domain. His marital disputes, televised with relish by news channels, have long embarrassed the RJD. His declaration of a second marriage even before his divorce was finalised injected fresh controversy. His estranged wife, Aishwarya Rai, aired her grievances in the media, intensifying public scrutiny of the family.


The RJD, wary of the reputational fallout, quietly distanced him. Tej Pratap floated his own outfit and contested independently. Some analysts argued that his candidature was, in fact, a calculated attempt to fragment anti-NDA votes. If so, the ploy misfired. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s welfare-heavy campaign outflanked caste arithmetic, leaving little room for vote-splitting manoeuvres.


Meanwhile, Tejashwi tightened his grip over the party apparatus, marginalising his brother and consolidating authority. The very disorder that once threatened him now served to underscore his position as the sole viable leader of the RJD’s next generation.


The spectacle within the Lalu-Rabri household has become national fodder. Allegations regarding the criminal antecedents of some strategists close to Tejashwi have equipped the BJP and JD(U) with new ammunition. Their leaders eagerly stoke the flames, framing the RJD as a party adrift in chaos and compromised judgement.


Yet, the real deliberations within the Yadav home remain opaque. The public sees only curated fragments in form of leaked tweets, strategic absences and cryptic statements. This makes it open to multiple readings. Is the discord a genuine schism born of electoral defeat, long-simmering grievances and generational rivalry? Or is it an elaborate performance, designed to shield Tejashwi, absorb public anger and ensure the dynasty’s continuity? After all, in the theatre of Indian dynastic politics, the boundary between authenticity and artifice is rarely visible.


For Bihar, and for India, the episode poses a larger question: can political leadership evolve beyond hereditary succession? The persistence of dynasties underscores a troubling deficit in party democratisation. Leadership changes are too often shaped not by organisational processes but by household dynamics.


Whether the Yadav family feud is authentic or manufactured, its implications stretch beyond one household. It reflects a political system that still struggles to separate governance from genealogy. 

 


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