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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Thorium and Energy Sovereignty

May 27
4 min read

As geopolitical shocks expose India’s imported fuel dependence, the country’s vast thorium reserves may hold the key to long-term energy sovereignty.

India’s energy future may ultimately depend less on imported oil, solar panels or even foreign uranium, and more on a mineral buried quietly in its coastal sands: thorium.


For decades, thorium occupied a curious place in India’s energy discourse — celebrated in scientific circles, occasionally invoked in policy speeches, yet often dismissed as a distant technological dream. Critics argued that India’s ambitious three-stage nuclear programme, designed to eventually unlock thorium-based energy, was too slow, too expensive and too technologically complex for a country facing rapidly growing electricity demand. But changing geopolitical realities and emerging advances in thorium fuel technology may now be forcing a serious rethink.


Energy Security

In a recent podcast discussion, veteran nuclear scientist Dr. Anil Kakodkar once again articulated his long-held conviction that India cannot build true energy security merely on imported uranium. Coming from one of the principal architects of India’s nuclear establishment, this was not nostalgia for an old scientific idea. It was a strategic warning.


The Russia-Ukraine conflict, turbulence in global energy markets and growing geopolitical fragmentation have reminded nations across the world that fuel dependence eventually becomes strategic dependence. Europe’s energy vulnerabilities after the Ukraine war demonstrated how quickly supply chains can become instruments of geopolitical pressure. India, despite its growing economy and technological ambitions, remains heavily dependent on imported oil, gas and critical energy resources.


The Indo-US nuclear agreement certainly opened access to international uranium markets and improved the performance of Indian nuclear reactors. But imported uranium, however useful in the short term, cannot alone provide the foundation for India’s century-long energy future. Dependence on external fuel supplies always carries strategic and diplomatic risks.


This is where thorium becomes important — not merely as a nuclear fuel, but as an instrument of long-term national sovereignty.


India possesses one of the world’s largest thorium reserves, particularly in the monazite sands along its southern coastline. Recognising this reality, Homi Jehangir Bhabha designed India’s famous three-stage nuclear programme in the 1950s. The logic was simple though technologically demanding: begin with uranium-fuelled reactors, develop fast breeder systems and eventually transition toward thorium-based fuel cycles capable of producing Uranium-233 for sustained nuclear power generation.


The problem was always time.


Thorium itself cannot directly power reactors in the way uranium does. It requires conversion through advanced nuclear processes before becoming a usable fuel. Critics therefore questioned whether India could afford to wait decades for thorium technologies to mature while the world rapidly moved toward other energy alternatives. But recent developments suggest that the thorium timeline may not remain as distant as once assumed.


Thorium Utilization

A startup associated with advanced thorium fuel development, reportedly advised by Dr. Kakodkar, has attracted attention for developing ANEEL — a hybrid thorium fuel approach that seeks to combine thorium with slightly enriched uranium in heavy-water reactor systems. The significance of this idea lies not in replacing India’s existing nuclear infrastructure overnight, but in potentially accelerating thorium utilisation through reactor technologies already familiar to India’s nuclear establishment. This could represent an important strategic shift.


India’s Pressurised Heavy Water Reactor programme is among the most mature in the world. These reactor systems, while traditionally based on natural uranium, also offer flexibility for experimenting with advanced fuel cycles involving thorium and slightly enriched uranium. If hybrid thorium fuels can function efficiently within such systems, India may not need to wait several decades for fully mature Stage-3 thorium reactors before beginning meaningful thorium utilisation.


In such a model, imported enriched uranium would function not as a permanent dependency, but as a catalyst for unlocking India’s own thorium reserves. That changes the strategic equation significantly.


The larger debate here is not merely about reactor design. It concerns the future shape of India’s energy independence.


India’s electricity demand is expected to rise dramatically in the coming decades. Artificial intelligence infrastructure, electric mobility, semiconductor manufacturing, data centres and urban expansion will require enormous quantities of stable electricity. Solar and wind energy will remain essential components of India’s clean-energy transition, but intermittent renewable sources alone cannot sustain a large industrial economy requiring round-the-clock power.


This is why nuclear energy is once again returning to global policy discussions as a source of reliable low-carbon baseload electricity. Countries across Europe, North America and Asia are reassessing nuclear strategies in the face of climate pressures and energy insecurity. In such a world, India’s thorium programme may no longer appear like a futuristic scientific detour. It could emerge as a major long-term strategic advantage.


Yet caution remains necessary.


Thorium is not a magical solution to India’s energy problems. Important technological, regulatory and economic challenges remain unresolved. Fuel fabrication, reprocessing, reactor economics, safety protocols and waste management will require sustained investment, rigorous testing and long-term political commitment. Commercial viability cannot be assumed merely because pilot-scale technological progress appears promising.


India must also avoid the temptation of technological triumphalism. The country has often announced ambitious scientific visions faster than it has built durable industrial ecosystems around them. Thorium success will depend not only on scientists, but equally on policy continuity, financing, regulatory stability and public trust in nuclear energy.


Nevertheless, the renewed discussion around thorium is important because it shifts the national conversation away from short-term electricity generation toward long-term civilisational planning. Dr. Kakodkar’s persistence on the issue now appears less like technological stubbornness and more like strategic foresight. He understood early that energy security is not simply about producing electricity today; it is about preserving national autonomy for the next hundred years.


For decades, thorium was seen as India’s distant nuclear dream. In an increasingly uncertain energy world, it may well become India’s most strategic scientific asset.


(The writer is a former scientific officer with the Department of Atomic Energy. Views personal.)

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