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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Ticking Bombast

The Congress and the AAP go to war yet again, this time over imaginary explosives in Punjab.

Punjab
Punjab

If India’s opposition alliance were a circus, then Punjab would be its clown car. Into it pile the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Congress (supposed allies in the grand-sounding, but barely functional INDIA bloc) only to emerge flinging bricks at one another. The latest scuffle involves hand grenades, political vendetta and a level of melodrama that would shame a Bollywood soap.


It began when Congress veteran and Leader of Opposition in Punjab, Partap Singh Bajwa, dropped what he presumably thought was a rhetorical bomb in a TV interview: “50 bombs have reached Punjab. Eighteen have exploded; 32 are yet to go off.” One might think such a statement would prompt a high-level security response. Instead, it triggered something far more Punjabi: a full-blown slanging match.


AAP workers, always ready to protest with more zeal than perspective, took to the streets of Mohali demanding Bajwa’s arrest. Their contention was that he was either fearmongering or tacitly colluding with terrorists. The Punjab Police, proving that no metaphor goes unpunished, dutifully booked Bajwa under the Official Secrets Act, a move that, if nothing else, proved that irony is alive and well in the state.


The Congress, naturally, cried vendetta. Its state president, Amarinder Singh Raja Warring, accused Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann of orchestrating the FIR like a B-grade movie villain, complete with late-night swoops and dramatic declarations. Jairam Ramesh, Congress’s high priest of outrage, chimed in from Delhi to accuse the Mann government of being a “bundle of insecurity and incompetence.” It’s a description that unintentionally fits much of the INDIA alliance.


Bajwa, for his part, insists he was merely conveying a security tip from an anonymous source. He even filed a petition in the Punjab and Haryana High Court to quash the FIR, accusing the AAP regime of political vengeance and calling Punjab’s police force useless.

Meanwhile, Sunil Jakhar, Punjab BJP chief and part-time voice of reason, dubbed the whole affair a ‘fixed match’ between Congress and AAP, claiming that both parties were milking the situation to appear relevant. Whether or not the match was fixed, it certainly wasn’t subtle.


That both AAP and Congress are trying to bury each other alive in a state while still pretending to be comrades at the national level would be hilarious if it weren’t so tragic. This isn’t the first time the INDIA partners have acted more like warring cousins than allies. We got a sample of that in the crucial Delhi assembly elections earlier this year when the Congress, which performed dismally was gloating over the AAP being dethroned by the BJP.


If their antics in Delhi were the stuff of grade B soap opera, Punjab takes the cake: the drama, the FIRs, the press conferences - all over a metaphor gone rogue.


Voters might be forgiven for wondering if anyone is actually running the state. Law and order in Punjab has indeed frayed, with grenade attacks, drug seizures and cross-border smuggling on the rise. The AAP government’s answer is to lash out at critics. The Congress’s response is to play victim. And the only ones offering anything resembling adult supervision appear to be the BJP.


Jakhar said only the BJP could restore Punjab’s lost dignity, and that the Centre will not let anyone play with law and order. It is the kind of paternalistic rhetoric that would usually induce eye-rolls. But in a state where the ruling party and the opposition are busy suing and protesting each other, the bar is so low it’s subterranean.


As Punjab lurches from grenade jokes to legal drama, the real explosion may come at the ballot box when Punjab goes to polls in 2027. The INDIA alliance wants to take on Narendra Modi nationally. But if it can’t even stage a ceasefire in Punjab, one wonders what sort of coalition government it hopes to run - assuming, of course, it doesn’t implode before then.

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