Unbroken Shrine
- Correspondent
- Jan 12
- 2 min read
Few buildings in India carry as much historical sediment as the Somnath temple on Gujarat’s wind-scoured coast. It has been smashed, rebuilt, looted and restored so many times that it has become less a shrine than a ledger of the subcontinent’s civilisational fortunes
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, speaking at the recent ‘Somnath Swabhiman Parv,’ captured that essence with unusual clarity. The ‘Shaurya Yatra’ - a ceremonial procession organised to honour those who laid down their lives defending the Somnath temple in Gujarat’s Gir Somnath district – saw thousands joining in.
When the PM said that the flag flying over Somnath today shows India’s power to the world, he was not boasting but stating a fact that has been politically inconvenient for decades.
Nothing captures this inconvenience better than the first Indian Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru’s refusal to attend Somnath’s reconstruction in 1951. While Sardar Patel and thousands of ordinary Indians rebuilt the shrine from rubble, Nehru kept his distance, uneasy with a symbol that contradicted his imported modernist vision of India. To Nehru, Somnath was an awkward reminder that India’s past could not be neatly separated from its faith. To Modi, it is proof that faith and identity are what allowed India to survive conquest.
From Mahmud of Ghazni in 1026 C.E. to Aurangzeb six centuries later, Somnath was not assaulted merely because it was rich but because of its distinct symbolism. It was one of Hinduism’s holiest shrines, a jyotirlinga of Shiva, perched defiantly on the western edge of India where traders, pilgrims and ideas had converged for over a millennium. To destroy it was to announce domination over a civilisation.
Ghazni understood this. Persian court historians such as al-Utbi did not describe his raid as a robbery but as an act of iconoclasm, a holy war against idolatry.
Later rulers followed the script. When the Delhi Sultanate expanded into Gujarat, Somnath was again attacked by Alauddin Khalji’s general Ulugh Khan, and later under the Gujarat Sultans, the shrine was damaged. By the time Aurangzeb’s edict ordered its destruction in the seventeenth century, the temple had become less a source of treasure than a provocation.
By reducing these repeated assaults to opportunistic looting, the Nehru-era ‘historians’ stripped them of their ideological core.
Yet, Somnath’s story is not just one of destruction, but of relentless revival. Few monuments anywhere in the world have been so systematically attacked and so stubbornly rebuilt.
The Nehruvian state tried to bury that lesson. It taught Indians to feel awkward about their own scars, to treat historical trauma as a communal inconvenience rather than a national inheritance. The result was not harmony, but amnesia which regrettably always favours the aggressor.
Modi’s Somnath speech was therefore a geopolitical assertion. In a world where China wraps itself in 5,000 years of civilization, a history-denying India would be a strategic absurdity. Nations that do not believe in themselves are easily bullied by those that do.



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