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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From Ideology to Electability

BJP is blending ideology with pragmatism, elevating leaders from rival parties to power New Delhi: The growing tendency of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to elevate leaders from other parties to the position of Chief Minister represents a shift, one that reflects not only a recalibration of the party's strategy but also the evolving character of Indian politics itself. Once known primarily as a cadre-based party anchored firmly in ideological commitment, the BJP has entered a phase where...

From Ideology to Electability

BJP is blending ideology with pragmatism, elevating leaders from rival parties to power New Delhi: The growing tendency of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to elevate leaders from other parties to the position of Chief Minister represents a shift, one that reflects not only a recalibration of the party's strategy but also the evolving character of Indian politics itself. Once known primarily as a cadre-based party anchored firmly in ideological commitment, the BJP has entered a phase where political pragmatism is accorded equal importance alongside ideology. The clearest evidence of this transformation lies in the rising number of leaders who, after crossing over from other parties, have not only found space within the BJP but have gone on to occupy the highest offices of power. Names such as Basavaraj Bommai in Karnataka, Himanta Biswa Sarma in Assam, and most recently Samrat Choudhary in Bihar have come to embody this trend. Each of these leaders had prior political affiliations outside the BJP, yet after joining the party, their stature and responsibilities have grown significantly. This is not an ad hoc development, but the outcome of a carefully crafted, multi-layered strategy. At the heart of this strategy lies a decisive emphasis on "winning ability." The BJP is no longer determining leadership solely on the basis of ideological loyalty, instead, it is prioritising individuals who possess electoral appeal, grassroots influence, and the capacity to navigate complex social equations. This explains why Himanta Biswa Sarma rose swiftly within the BJP to become Chief Minister and one of the party's most influential figures in the Northeast, who spent nearly two decades in the Congress. Similarly, leaders like Pema Khandu in Arunachal Pradesh, N. Biren Singh in Manipur, and Manik Saha in Tripura underscore the party's willingness to rely on strong local faces to expand its footprint in the Northeast, even if those leaders once belonged to the Congress. In Uttar Pradesh, the elevation of Brajesh Pathak, a former Bahujan Samaj Party leader, to the post of Deputy Chief Minister reflects a similar attempt to balance social equations. Key Driver One key driver of this approach is the relative absence of strong indigenous leadership in several states. In regions where the BJP historically lacked widely accepted local faces, turning to experienced leaders from other parties has proven to be a pragmatic solution. This marks a shift away from ideological rigidity toward an acceptance of political realities. A second critical factor is the need to manage caste and regional equations. Social structures continue to play a decisive role in Indian elections, and political success often hinges on aligning with these dynamics. In Bihar, the elevation of Samrat Choudhary is widely seen as an attempt to consolidate OBC/Kurmi support, while in Karnataka, Basavaraj Bommai's leadership aligns with the influence of the Lingayat community. The third dimension of this strategy is the systematic weakening of the opposition. By inducting influential leaders from rival parties and assigning them significant roles, the BJP not only strengthens its own ranks but also erodes the organizational capacity of its competitors. The induction of leaders such as Jyotiraditya Scindia, Narayan Rane, R. P. N. Singh, and Jitin Prasada, all of whom have been entrusted with key responsibilities in government and party structures, illustrates this approach. Two Levels The BJP's model now appears to function on two distinct levels: a strong and centralized leadership at the top, and influential local faces at the state level. Under the leadership of Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, the central command remains cohesive and firmly in control, while states are led by individuals capable of delivering electoral victories, irrespective of their political past. The rise of Suvendu Adhikari in West Bengal further exemplifies this strategy. Once a close aide of Mamata Banerjee, Adhikari is now one of the BJP's principal faces in the state, forming a cornerstone of the party's expansion efforts. The message is unmistakable clear that the opportunities within the BJP are no longer confined to its traditional cadre. Any leader with mass appeal and capability can aspire to the top. This shift also reflects the party's organisational confidence. The BJP believes its institutional structure is robust enough to quickly integrate leaders from outside and align them with its broader objectives. This has enabled a blend of ideological flexibility and political pragmatism. That said, the strategy is not without its internal contradictions. For long-time party workers, the rapid rise of leaders from outside may send mixed signals, potentially creating tensions within the cadre. Managing this balance will be a critical test for the party in the years ahead. Even so, in a broader sense, the BJP's approach represents a fusion of ideology and pragmatism. Its goals are clear that secure electoral victories, expand rapidly into new regions, and systematically weaken the opposition.

Uncut Anthem

A country unsure of itself trims its symbols whereas a confident one restores them. By mandating the full six-stanza rendition of ‘Vande Mataram’ at official functions, the Modi government has chosen confidence and in doing so has exposed the Opposition’s chronic unease with India’s civilisational inheritance.


The original composition by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee which runs to three minutes and ten seconds will now be sung before the national anthem ‘Jana Gana Mana’ with attendees standing to attention. The Centre’s decision replaces an abbreviated version of ‘Vande Mataram’ that had, for decades, passed for prudence. A republic that reclaimed sovereignty in 1947 need not forever behave like a nervous caretaker of inherited anxieties.


The most vociferous objections have predictably emanated from the Trinamool Congress and the Congress, who have countered the move by stating that the BJP’s stance on Vande Mataram was clearly politically motivated, aimed at consolidating support ahead of the key Assembly election in West Bengal.


TMC leaders have accused the BJP of ‘rewriting history.’ But history is being restored in this instance. The six stanzas are not an afterthought foisted on the nation by a latter-day government. They were part of the song’s canonical life, sung and revered long before the Constituent Assembly opted for truncation in 1950. That decision, taken amid the raw politics of Partition, reflected a moment of fragility. It should not be fossilised as a permanent standard.


The Opposition’s argument collapses under its own weight. If the abridgement of ‘Vande Mataram’ was a pragmatic move to assuage minority sentiments, why treat its reversal as sacrilege? If the Bankim Chandra’s original song was genuinely offensive, then why did it animate generations of freedom fighters across Bengal and beyond, revolutionaries and moderates alike, who found in ‘Vande Mataram’ a shared obeisance to the motherland? The unflattering truth is that cultural compromise after Independence became a habit that masqueraded as principle. By mandating the complete song at constitutional occasions, the current government has signalled that national identity is not a negotiable add-on.


The political row also reveals a deeper problem with the Opposition which is an inability to distinguish pluralism from self-erasure. India’s nationalism has never been monochrome. It has absorbed languages, regions and traditions without dissolving its civilisational core. To sing all six stanzas of ‘Vande Mataram’ is not to exclude but acknowledge the sources from which the freedom movement drew its moral force. The goddess imagery that so agitates critics was never a demand for worship. It was a metaphor for belonging. The charge that the move is election-timed is thin. Cultural decisions, if they are to be taken at all, will always occur in political time.


Nations grow up when they stop apologising for their inheritance and start stewarding it. For too long, ‘Vande Mataram’ was reduced to an annual hashtag or a ceremonial chorus. Restoring it in full is a reminder that unity does not require amnesia. It requires honesty.

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