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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

Unleashing the Furies: Israel’s struggle with Hezbollah

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Unleashing the Furies: Israel’s struggle with Hezbollah

In the ancient Greek myth, the Furies were relentless deities of vengeance, punishing those who had committed heinous crimes. Today, in the Middle East, the spectre of retribution looms large as Israel and Hezbollah, the Shia militant group backed by Iran, inch perilously close to unleashing their own furies upon one another.

The Israel-Hezbollah conflict, long a simmering powder keg, now threatens to destabilize a region already teetering on the edge in the wake of Israel’s mortal combat with the militant Palestinian faction Hamas in Gaza.

Despite the intense military engagement last week (August 24-25), with Israel, in a pre-emptive strike, deploying 100 jet fighters in a seven-hour assault over 40 targets, the toll has been relatively light.

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) appear to have been careful to minimize civilian casualties in Lebanon - a stark contrast to their heavily censured approach in Gaza. Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz has emphasized that, while Israel remains committed to the complete dismantling of Hamas, it has no desire for an existential battle with Hezbollah.

Hezbollah’s involvement in the recent escalation began on October 8 last year, when the group launched rockets at Israel in support of Hamas’s attack the day before.

Its leader, Hassan Nasrallah, has since continued to engage in attacks from the north, and other Iranian proxy groups have also participated in these operations in solidarity with Hamas.

Unlike other militant groups (like ISIS) that have had their genesis in a destabilizing Middle Eastern incident, Hezbollah’s rise during the Lebanese Civil War (1975-90) and its staying power have been remarkable by all accounts.

As historian David Crist observes in his 2012 book The Twilight War, Hezbollah (meaning ‘Party of God’) was born out of the crucible of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, moulded by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, and united by a shared vision of Islamic resistance.

For this shadowy band of ‘Allah’s stormtroopers,’ a portentous alliance struck with the Assad family of Syria in the early 1980s was to have momentous consequences for the region.

At that time, Syria, under the leadership of Hafez al-Assad, sought to consolidate Syrian influence over Lebanon - a goal that aligned with Hezbollah’s objectives of resisting Israeli occupation and establishing a Shia-dominated political order in Lebanon.

The Assad family’s support for Hezbollah was strategic: by backing the group, the Assads not only extended Syria’s influence over Lebanese affairs but also created a powerful proxy that could challenge Israeli hegemony in the region.

As Crist observes, Syrian president Hafez al-Assad had initially refused transit to many Revolutionary Guardsmen Khomeini’s revolution in neighbouring Iran held little appeal for him.

But after the IDF under Ariel Sharon instigated the fight with the Syrian army during Israel’s invasion of Lebanon, al-Assad opened the floodgates for Khomeini’s bearded foot soldiers to strike back.

‘Hezbollah’ would be born of this kernel of two dozen men who were the vanguard of 800 Iranian Revolutionary Guards sent to this base in the fertile eastern Lebanese valley. Over the next coming years, these fighters morphed from a small guerrilla band into a major political party in Lebanon, one whose military wing eclipsed that of the Lebanese army.

They staved off the region’s most powerful military—Israel—in two wars, and in one precise bombing inflicted the largest tactical defeat on the U.S. military since the Korean War.

Over the years, it has evolved from a guerrilla force into a formidable military and political power, entrenched in Lebanese society. The 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah, which left over 1,000 Lebanese and 165 Israelis dead, marked a turning point. Though Israel managed to deal a severe blow to Hezbollah’s infrastructure, the group emerged politically stronger, its narrative of resistance bolstered in the eyes of many in the Arab world.

The alliance with the Assad family was further cemented during the 2011 Syrian Civil War, when Hezbollah emerged as a crucial ally of Bashar al-Assad, Hafez’s son and successor. The group’s involvement in Syria was driven by both ideological and practical considerations. Ideologically, Hezbollah’s commitment to the Assad regime was rooted in its shared opposition to Sunni extremism and its alignment with Iran’s broader regional strategy. The group’s military intervention, including its participation in key battles such as those in Qusayr and Aleppo, helped turn the tide in favour of the Assad regime.

Despite strenuous efforts of both Israel and the US in trying to decapitate Hezbollah, it has emerged as a hydra-headed monster. (The Mossad is reputed to have assassinated Hezbollah’s brilliant, phantom-like military tactician Imad Mughniyeh in 2008, yet this has not slowed down the militant group).

With Iran activating its proxy. the danger of Israel-Hezbollah skirmishes escalating into a broader regional conflict cannot be overstated as any large-scale conflict could potentially draw in other regional powers, including Iran and Syria into a Middle Eastern Armageddon.


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