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By:

Rajiv Shah

22 September 2025 at 8:32:23 pm

How Sovereign Resistance Is Challenging US Tech Hegemony

From colonial-era control of trade routes to today’s contest over satellites, data and digital infrastructure, India’s confrontation with American tech power exposes the growing tension between global connectivity, corporate dominance and national sovereignty. The historical memory of colonialism is long, deeply etched into the collective consciousness of the Global South. For centuries, foreign powers arrived on distant shores under the banner of trade, infrastructure, and philanthropy, only...

How Sovereign Resistance Is Challenging US Tech Hegemony

From colonial-era control of trade routes to today’s contest over satellites, data and digital infrastructure, India’s confrontation with American tech power exposes the growing tension between global connectivity, corporate dominance and national sovereignty. The historical memory of colonialism is long, deeply etched into the collective consciousness of the Global South. For centuries, foreign powers arrived on distant shores under the banner of trade, infrastructure, and philanthropy, only to strip sovereign nations of their resources, redraw their laws, and compromise their independence. Today, that old expansionist playbook has been digitised. Instead of physical gunboats and chartered trading companies, the instruments of modern dominion are satellite constellations, algorithms, and cloud infrastructure. The colonial empires of the past understood that control over ports, railways, shipping routes, and communications networks could translate into political authority and economic dependence. In the contemporary world, control over cloud computing, satellite communications, semiconductor supply chains, and the platforms through which societies exchange information can exercise a comparable structural influence, even without territorial occupation. The difference is that the new frontier is governed not only by states, but also by corporations whose technological reach increasingly rivals the capabilities of governments. The brewing geopolitical conflict between the United States and India has brought this “digital colonialism” into sharp, unmistakable focus. The current US administration, executing a hyper-aggressive, unilateral “America First” strategy, has increasingly aligned itself with tech billionaires to treat foreign sovereignty as an administrative hurdle. The recent high-stakes standoff over Elon Musk’s satellite internet service, Starlink, coupled with crushing US economic sanctions and visa freezes, demonstrates how tech monopolies and state power now operate as an interlocking machine. However, the heavy-handed approach has triggered an intense, grassroots nationalistic backlash, proving that the digital architecture of the 21st century cannot be built on the submission of sovereign nations. Digital Colonialism Digital colonialism refers to a structural system where a handful of technologically advanced nations, primarily the United States, use their corporate monopolies to control the digital ecosystem, data pipelines, and critical infrastructure of other countries. Under this model, developing nations are treated merely as data goldmines to be extracted and passive consumer markets to be dominated. For years, Silicon Valley executives utilised a standard “Twitter diplomacy” model to bypass foreign regulations. By leveraging massive digital footprints, corporate giants routinely bullied smaller or less tech-reliant nations into granting sweeping concessions under the guise of “bringing connectivity to the unconnected.” This corporate philanthropy is frequently a Trojan horse designed to secure data monopolies and hook local populations on proprietary, foreign-owned infrastructure. When this corporate pressure fails, the full weight of US state power is brought to bear. The Trump administration’s integrated economic squeeze—imposing massive $100,000-plus surcharges on H-1B visas, threatening universal tariffs on Indian goods, and suddenly freezing Indian tech firms out of the PERM Green Card application process—functions as an economic club. Obviously, it is a deliberate effort to create an asymmetric trap: utilising state tools to strangle a nation’s domestic industries from above, while corporate spearheads like Musk launch high-pressure campaigns to break open its regulatory defences from below. This struggle also belongs to a much longer history of post-colonial economic resistance. The Non-Aligned Movement emerged during the Cold War from the determination of newly independent nations to avoid becoming instruments of competing superpowers. Today, strategic autonomy must extend beyond military alliances and diplomatic manoeuvring to encompass control over data, digital payments, communications networks, and the technological standards that shape economic life. For India and much of the Global South, the challenge is not to reject foreign technology, but to ensure that access to it does not become a new instrument of external leverage. Aggressive Rhetoric The immediate flashpoint of this conflict ignited when Musk publicly accused Indian telecom regulators of committing a “crime against the people of India.” In an aggressive rhetorical campaign, Musk alleged that domestic regulations were designed to maintain a “monopolistic chokehold,” directly targeting Indian business leaders by asking on social media, “Is Ambani the real boss of India?” The underlying reality, however, is a matter of strict national security, not corporate favouritism. The Indian Ministry of Communications flatly rejected the billionaire’s claims, reiterating that Starlink, alongside all domestic and international competitors, must undergo mandatory data security audits and satellite gateway localisation assessments. In a world where data is the definitive currency of national power, allowing a foreign corporation to operate an autonomous, unmonitored satellite network that transmits domestic data directly to overseas servers is a fundamental national security risk. The US strategy fundamentally miscalculates the unique nature of India’s digital landscape. Unlike many regions that rely entirely on Western tech infrastructure, India has systematically built one of the world’s most advanced, self-reliant, and affordable digital public infrastructures, highlighted by the open-source Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and a hyper-competitive, hyper-affordable 4G/5G cellular network. Because India built its own digital foundations, its public and policymakers view foreign attempts to dictate regulatory terms not as a gift of modern technology, but as an existential threat to economic sovereignty. India’s experience carries wider significance because it challenges the assumption that technological modernisation must follow a model designed and controlled by Western corporations. Whether Silicon Valley or Washington understands it or not, the aggressive, top-down strategy has backfired at the grassroots level. In India, corporate bullying by foreign tech magnates does not intimidate the population; it unites them. Consumer groups, digital rights advocates, and everyday internet users have reacted with an intense nationalistic backlash, reframing the dispute from a telecom technicality into a defence of sovereign dignity. Indian consumers are uniquely sensitive to foreign encroachment. When a Western billionaire uses public threats to demand a bypass of national security laws, the public quickly recognises the echo of historical exploitation. This has sparked a growing sentiment that if Starlink refuses to respect the laws of the land, it will be banned not by the paperwork of the government, but by a quiet, devastating boycott by the consumers themselves. The global order is rapidly fracturing. By treating long-standing allies as economic targets and dismantling the international treaties that governed global behaviour, the US is alienating the very markets it seeks to dominate. The stakes extend well beyond the India–US relationship. As the European Union pursues digital regulation, China builds alternative technological ecosystems, and emerging economies seek greater control over their data, the world is moving towards a more contested digital order. Satellite internet is only one part of this struggle; artificial intelligence, cloud infrastructure, digital currencies, and access to critical computing resources will increasingly determine who sets the rules of the global economy. The unfolding resistance in India proves that the days of unchallenged digital colonialism are over. If a foreign entity wishes to operate in the world’s largest open internet market, it must do so as an equal partner, under local laws, and with explicit respect for the sovereignty of the people. No amount of geopolitical leverage from Washington can force a proud, independent nation to buy products from a corporate empire that views them with contempt. Critics argue that these developments point towards a broader, coordinated squeeze on the nation. On one front, the US administration’s shifting stance towards Pakistan signals an attempt to alter regional balances. On the domestic front, a recent public exchange between Elon Musk and opposition leader Rahul Gandhi regarding corporate monopolies has fuelled intense political debate. Sceptics view this digital alignment with caution, arguing that combining foreign corporate pressure with aggressive domestic political protests—which have previously disrupted parliamentary proceedings—risks destabilising the country’s economic and democratic momentum at a critical juncture. Now is the time to be on alert. (The writer is an advocate and a public policy analyst. Views personal)

US Vice President JD Vance, his family arrive in Delhi

Apr 21, 2025
2 min read


NEW DELHI: US Vice President J D Vance arrived here on Monday on a four-day visit to India against the backdrop of ongoing negotiations for a bilateral trade agreement between the two strategic partners to address a variety of issues, including tariff and market access.


Vance is accompanied by his Indian-origin wife Usha Chilukuri and their three children Ewan, Vivek, Mirabel and a delegation of senior US government officials.


The US Vice President and the Second Lady were received at the Palam air base by Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw.


The American leader was also accorded a ceremonial welcome on his arrival.

In the evening, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will host a dinner for the Vances after holding wide-ranging talks with the US Vice President.


External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, NSA Ajit Doval, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri and Indian ambassador to US Vinay Mohan Kwatra are expected to be part of the Indian team to be led by PM Modi at the talks.


The focus of the meeting is likely to be on early finalisation of the proposed bilateral trade pact as well as ways to boost overall trajectory of ties between the two countries.


Besides Delhi, Vance and his family will travel to Jaipur and Agra.

Vance's first visit to India comes weeks after US President Donald Trump imposed and then paused a sweeping tariff regime against around 60 countries, including India.


New Delhi and Washington are now holding negotiations to seal a bilateral trade agreement that is expected to address a variety of issues, including tariff and market access.


Vance and his family are scheduled to leave for Jaipur on Monday night.

In Delhi, the US Vice President and his family are staying at the ITC Maurya Sheraton hotel.


On April 22, the Vances will visit a number of historical sites in Jaipur, including the Amer Fort, also known as Amber Fort. The fort is a UNESCO world heritage site.


In the afternoon, the US Vice President is scheduled to address a gathering at the Rajasthan International Centre in Jaipur.


Vance is expected to delved into broader aspects of India-US relations under the Donald Trump administration during his speech that is expected to be attended by diplomats, foreign policy experts, Indian government officials and academia.


The US Vice President and his family will travel to Agra on the morning of April 23, people familiar with the matter said.


In Agra, they will visit the Taj Mahal and Shilpgram which is an open air emporium showcasing various Indian artefacts, they said.


After concluding their visit to Agra, the Vances will return to Jaipur on the second half of April 23.


The US Vice President and his family will depart for the US from Jaipur on April 24, according to the people cited above.

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