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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya...

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top brass was the true precipice from which the former Vice President fell. The revelations surfaced as the Winter Session of Parliament commenced on Monday, December 1, 2025. The solemnity of welcoming the new Vice President and Rajya Sabha Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, was punctured by an emotional intervention from Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge. The veteran Congress leader, hands shaking and voice trembling, shed tears on the floor of the House—a rare display of vulnerability that underscored the Opposition’s grievance over what they term an “institutional surgical strike.” The Failed Mediation Exclusive details emerging from Delhi’s political circles paint a picture of a constitutional authority who misread the winds of change. Sources reveal that tensions between Dhankhar and the government had been simmering for months, primarily over his handling of key legislative agendas and a perceived “drift” towards accommodating Opposition demands in the Upper House. As the chasm widened, a lifeline was reportedly thrown. A senior leader from a prominent alliance partner within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — a figure with decades of parliamentary experience and respect across the aisle — had discreetly offered to mediate. This leader recognized the growing impatience in the BJP high command and sought to bridge the gap before it became unbridgeable. However, Dhankhar declined the immediate urgency of this political mediation. “He was confident in his equations with the ideological parent,” a source familiar with the developments stated. “He is close to some of the RSS top functionaries and relied on them to mediate when his equations with the BJP top brass started going astray.” This reliance on Nagpur to manage New Delhi proved to be a critical miscalculation. Sources indicate that Dhankhar believed his deep ties with the Sangh would act as a buffer, insulating him from the political maneuvering of the ruling party’s executive leadership. He reportedly waited for the “green signal” or intervention from RSS functionaries, delaying the necessary reconciliation with the party leadership. Cost of delay The delay in mending ways was fatal. By the time the former Vice President realized that the RSS would not—or could not—overrule the BJP’s strategic decision to replace him, the die had been cast. The drift had become a gulf. The instruction, when it finally came on that fateful July 21, was absolute - he had to vacate the office immediately. The “untimely sudden resignation” that followed was officially cloaked in medical terminology, but insiders describe a chaotic exit. The former VP, who had recently moved into the lavish new Vice-President’s Enclave, was forced to vacate the premises in haste, leaving behind a tenure marked by both assertive confrontations and, ironically, a final act of silent compliance. Tears in the Upper House The ghost of this departure loomed large over Monday’s proceedings. Welcoming the new Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, Mallikarjun Kharge could not hold back his emotions. Breaking away from the customary pleasantries, Kharge launched into a poignant lament for the predecessor who was denied a farewell. “I am constrained to refer to your predecessor’s completely unexpected and sudden exit from the office of the Rajya Sabha Chairman, which is unprecedented in the annals of parliamentary history,” Kharge said, his voice heavy with emotion. As Treasury benches erupted in protest, shouting slogans to drown out the discomforting truth, Kharge continued, wiping tears from his eyes. “The Chairman, being the custodian of the entire House, belongs as much to the Opposition as to the government. I was disheartened that the House did not get an opportunity to bid him a farewell. Regardless, we wish him, on behalf of the entire Opposition, a very healthy life.” The sight of the Leader of the Opposition shedding tears for a presiding officer with whom he had frequently clashed was a striking paradox. It highlighted the Opposition’s narrative that Dhankhar’s removal was not just a personnel change, but an assertion of executive dominance over the legislature. New chapter with old scars The government, represented by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, sharply countered Kharge’s remarks, accusing the Opposition of shedding “crocodile tears” after having moved impeachment notices against Dhankhar in the past. “You are insulting the Chair by raising this now,” Rijiju argued amidst the din. Yet, outside the House, the whispers persisted. The narrative of a Vice President who waited for a call from Nagpur that came too late has firmly taken root. As C.P. Radhakrishnan takes the Chair, he does so not just as a new presiding officer, but as the successor to a man who learned the hard way that in the current dispensation, political alignment with the executive supersedes even the oldest of ideological ties.

‘Vote for Cash’ – now at a different level!

Mahayuti leaders dangle ‘tijori’ carrot to woo voters

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Mumbai: As the curtain falls on Maharashtra’s December 2 civic poll campaign, the spotlight fell onto a series of controversial remarks by ruling alliance leaders who openly linked public development funds to voter support. Opposition parties slammed the statements as “a display of arrogance of power” and a direct threat to democratic norms.

 

The latest controversy erupted after Mahayuti ally and Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar said at a Malegaon poll rally: “You have votes, I have funds. If you elect all my 18 NCP candidates, there will be no shortage of funds. But if you reject, I will also reject.”

 

The blunt remark triggered a political firestorm. Ajit Pawar, who holds the powerful Finance Department, (the ‘key to the treasury’ as he said), later attempted to soften the impact, claiming that “such things are routine during poll campaigns across the country.”

 

But the Opposition said the message to the masses was: “development only for votes or face punishment”.

 

Ajit Pawar’s statement revived memories of his similarly aggressive pitch during the 2024 Lok Sabha campaign in Baramati, when he warned voters that development resources would “dry up” unless they backed his wife, Sunetra Pawar. Though Sunetra lost to cousin Supriya Sule, she was later elected to the Rajya Sabha.

 

Another Bharatiya Janata Party Minister Nitesh Rane added fuel to the fire. Rane has repeatedly used the same “funds-for-votes” formula - first as a BJP MLA in 2022 and now as a minister - warning villagers that development money would flow only if BJP-backed candidates were elected.

 

This week, he went a step further, advising voters to ensure “the Lotus blooms in every home” and arguing that only the BJP had “the capacity to secure funds for development.”

 

The remarks echoed the BJP’s favourite slogans of “double-engine” and now “triple-engine” governance pitch - the promise that electing the party at the Centre, State, and local bodies can guarantee smooth development.

 

However, this time, the BJP also took a jab at its own ally. Responding to Ajit Pawar’s claim of controlling funds, party insiders quipped: “If you have the key to the ‘tijori’ (treasury), we have the owner,” a veiled reference to Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, without whose consent things apparently can’t move.

 

Attempting to douse the flames, Fadnavis argued that “everyone says such things during elections,” but that governments, once elected, work for the progress of all citizens.

 

The latest in the list is Minister Jaykumar Gore, who told women beneficiaries of the Ladki Bahin scheme that they should remain “loyal” to the CM because they “don’t even get Rs 100 from their husbands.”

 

In the past few years, several Opposition-ruled states had accused the BJP-led Centre of “step-motherly treatment” in funds allocation. In early-2022, the then CM Uddhav Thackeray had written to the Centre seeking clearance of pending dues amounting to Rs 26,500 crore - a request that remained unfulfilled till his government toppled in June 2022.

 

SEC mum as MVA cries foul

Opposition leaders say such statements from the ruling side leaders “are not casual slips but part of a deliberate, national-level pattern” of weaponizing public money for electoral advantage and demanded that the State Election Commission (SEC) immediately act to curb this growing trend.

 

NCP (SP) Working President Supriya Sule called it the SEC’s “moral responsibility” to intervene, warning that unchecked intimidation “undermines the spirit of free and fair elections.”

 

Congress leader Vijay Wadettiwar asked pointedly: “If those in government threaten voters, how can impartial elections be ensured?”

 

Shiv Sena (UBT)’s Ambadas Danve was more scathing: “Development funds come from taxpayers, not from Ajit Pawar’s home. How can he threaten voters as if he owns the treasury?”

 

The SEC’s silence has irked the Opposition, which says the inaction “emboldens those in power to re-package intimidation as campaign strategy - and end up laughing all the way to the treasury and the vote banks.”

 

 


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