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By:

Uday Jogalekar

13 May 2026 at 3:25:14 pm

From Pracharak to Minister: My Memories of Dilipda

Long before he became a minister, Dilipda had already earned our respect through his simplicity, discipline, and warmth. In 2007, my job brought me to Kolkata. Once there, I began attending the local RSS shakha and gradually became involved in Sangh work. I first met Dilipda during a visit to a swayamsevak’s home. Coincidentally, that same year, he had been appointed to our division. As everyone introduced themselves, Dilipda casually asked me in Marathi, “How are you finding Bengal?” Hearing...

From Pracharak to Minister: My Memories of Dilipda

Long before he became a minister, Dilipda had already earned our respect through his simplicity, discipline, and warmth. In 2007, my job brought me to Kolkata. Once there, I began attending the local RSS shakha and gradually became involved in Sangh work. I first met Dilipda during a visit to a swayamsevak’s home. Coincidentally, that same year, he had been appointed to our division. As everyone introduced themselves, Dilipda casually asked me in Marathi, “How are you finding Bengal?” Hearing a Bengali pracharak — a full-time RSS worker devoted to organisational work — speak fluent Marathi came as a pleasant surprise to me. From that moment onwards, my interactions with Dilipda increased, and I gradually began to understand the many dimensions of his seemingly simple personality. Coming from Maharashtra, where Sangh work generally faced non-violent opposition, adapting to Bengal — where the opposition was often violent — was not easy. In that atmosphere, I learnt from Dilipda how to remain enthusiastic while also keeping fellow workers motivated and active. I often accompanied Dilipda during his visits to our area. He had a remarkable ability to blend effortlessly into any household, warmly enquire about every family member, and make everyone feel as though he were one of their own. Before being appointed to Kolkata, Dilipda had served as an RSS pracharak in the remote Andaman Islands from around 1999–2000 until 2007. Based in Port Blair, he worked under difficult conditions despite limited travel and communication facilities, diverse tribes speaking different languages, and a local mindset that often kept outsiders at a distance. He would often share positive experiences from his years in the Andamans but never once spoke about the hardships he endured. Despite working in such difficult conditions, he never mentioned his personal discomforts. This ability to remain free of complaints despite adversity is a hallmark of a pracharak, and Dilipda embodied it completely. He possessed the rare gift of finding positivity even in challenging situations. Excellent Cook In Bengal during 2007, Sangh work had not yet expanded to the scale it has reached today. At times, pracharaks had to cook their own meals, and this had made Dilipda an excellent cook. Whenever he returned to the city from his travels, our group would eagerly gather to enjoy his khichdi. Our area, Bidhannagar, was located in Salt Lake, a relatively prosperous locality. Adjacent to it were a few underprivileged settlements, and we would occasionally visit the nearby market. To reach the market from Salt Lake, one had to cross a wooden bridge, where the toll was 25 paise for pedestrians and one rupee for bicycles. Observing the difficulties faced by people in those settlements, Dilipda once suggested starting some sewa (service) activity there. That eventually led to the establishment of a homoeopathic clinic in the locality. While setting up the clinic, Dilipda effortlessly guided us through every stage of planning — what arrangements were needed, how the process should be structured, and what challenges might arise. It felt as though the entire plan was already mapped out in his mind. As the clinic became operational, we began noticing the educational difficulties faced by the local children. English, science, and mathematics were particularly challenging subjects for them, which eventually led to the start of a study centre. The idea of involving engineers from Salt Lake’s IT companies also came from Dilipda. Later, by bringing together IT professionals, an “IT Milan” initiative was started, and many of them eventually became swayamsevaks actively involved in Sangh work. Remarkable Ability At the time, the CPM government was in power in Bengal, and there were many obstacles to conducting shakha activities. Dilipda constantly guided us on overcoming these challenges. He had a remarkable ability to identify work that could bring meaningful change, plan it carefully, and execute it with determination and effectiveness. Whether it was service activities, daily shakha work, or handling sensitive cases related to “Love Jihad", Dilipda consistently displayed dedication, clarity of thought, a fighting spirit, and an unwavering readiness to work tirelessly toward the objective. What amazes me even today is that a pracharak like Dilipda — someone far ahead of us in age, experience, and accomplishments — would interact so casually and warmly with ordinary swayamsevaks like us, placing a hand on our shoulders and speaking as though he were a close friend. In 2009, I was transferred back to Mumbai, bringing my Kolkata chapter to an end. Later, in 2014, I learned that Dilipda had been given responsibility in the BJP. And now, in 2026, the BJP forming a government on its own strength speaks volumes about its contribution and leadership. Today, Dilipda has become a minister, and many titles and honours will naturally be associated with him. But to us, he will always remain simply "Dilipda". (The writer is an entrepreneur based in Kalwa, Thane.)

When Politics Gags Harvard

Donald Trump’s war on Harvard is imperilling academic freedom and tarnishing America’s intellectual brand.

Getting into Harvard has always been a defining dream, a moment of pride for families, a benchmark for teachers, and a passport to intellectual pursuit. For international students, it’s not merely seat at an Ivy League table but a promise of world-class education suggesting the liberty to think, speak and create freely. But what happens when the very freedom that defines such institutions comes under threat?


A once-theoretical worry has now become real under the second Trump administration. Headlines like ‘Harvard’s International Students in Limbo’ speak of frozen funding, revoked visas and, more troubling still, a political assault on academic autonomy.


This is no bureaucratic hiccup but a policy-driven move fuelled by ideology. President Trump has accused Harvard of becoming “too liberal,” and his administration has sought to trim the university’s international student intake from 27 percent to 15 percent.


More than just admissions, the government is targeting faculty appointments, academic collaborations and course content in order to pivot the university towards a more ideologically compliant model. Such interventions mark an unprecedented intrusion into academic governance, blurring the line between state policy and the sanctity of the classroom.


Harvard has responded with resistance. Interim President Alan Garber called the actions “a direct assault on academic freedom.” Lawsuits followed, but retaliation came swiftly as a whopping $100 million in research funding was withheld, and Harvard lost its right to sponsor international student visas. However, the real victims in this academic melee were the over 6,800 PhD scholars from nearly 140 countries, whose academic and personal lives were plunged into uncertainty.


The funding freeze jeopardised critical research at institutions like Harvard Medical School and the Dana-Farber Cancer Institute. Breakthroughs in cancer treatment, epidemiology and neuroscience now risk stagnation as laboratories are faced with sudden budget shortfalls and staff departures.


Doctoral students who had spent years working on complex projects are watching their momentum and morale evaporate.


Trump has claimed he was shielding national interests. But many view these actions as creating mistrust and dividing communities by targeting foreign scholars, even from friendly countries like Israel. When governments dictate who can teach, what can be taught and who can learn, they cannot claim to protect democracy but are chipping away at its foundation. Academic inquiry has always depended on the diversity of perspectives; narrowing that lens weakens the very scholarship it claims to secure.


This episode has also hurt America’s long-cherished image as a leader in free and open education. For decades, U.S. institutions like Harvard and MIT symbolised not just academic prestige but the freedom to challenge norms, to dissent, to think independently and grow. From Lagos to Lucknow, the U.S. was seen as the ideal classroom for the world’s brightest minds. That narrative is now under scrutiny. Prospective students from the Global South, long inspired by the ethos of American higher education, have now begun exploring alternatives where political winds don’t shift the goalposts.


Ironically, countries often criticised for stifling academic freedom like China are using this moment to highlight Western double standards. Beijing has found fresh justification for its restrictive educational policies. At the same time, global education hubs like Toronto, Zurich and Melbourne are stepping in by offering students the same academic rigour without the political baggage.


The brain drain that once flowed reliably to the U.S. is now finding new tributaries.


While this redistribution of global talent may democratise knowledge ecosystems, it also signals a loss for America’s intellectual leadership.


Back in India, this political overreach has prompted a quiet rethink. Parents and education planners are seriously asking if the American dream is still worth it. The answer is now more complex. Calls to build India’s own world-class institutions have grown louder. Yet this ambition demands more than slogans. It needs real investment, robust infrastructure and above all, academic independence free from governmental interference.


The Harvard episode also invites comparisons with another global academic icon - Oxford University. With centuries of intellectual legacy, Oxford has weathered monarchs, wars and revolutions and yet has consistently upheld academic freedom as sacrosanct. Oxford’s prestige lies not merely in its past but in its resistance to being politicised. That’s the model Harvard risks straying from.


Even during Britain’s most polarised political chapters, Oxford maintained a culture of independence rooted in scholarly self-governance - a tradition Harvard must now fight to preserve.


Prestigious global rankings from QS to Times Higher Education may still place Harvard among the elite. But no metric can measure the chilling effect of ideological interference. A university may boast rankings, but when students and scholars fear political retaliation for their ideas, true learning is compromised.


Harvard has produced Nobel laureates, world leaders and change-makers. Silencing its spirit isn’t just a setback for students but a larger blow to humanity’s forward march. When minds are told what to think, rather than how to think, progress is retarded. Universities must be uncomfortable places by design. Far better that they be petri dishes for dissent, not propaganda mills for political convenience.


Finally, this isn’t just about Harvard or Trump. It is about the freedom to learn and think. When universities are silenced, progress slows. Knowledge should be free to grow and if one place blocks it, it will simply grow elsewhere. But every time it’s forced to move, the world pays a price.


(The writer is a former banker based in Bengaluru. Views personal)

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