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By:

Rajiv Shah

22 September 2025 at 8:32:23 pm

What Is Driving Europe’s Unrest?

Images of destruction can overshadow the grievances that brought people onto the streets. France has seen hundreds of thousands take to the streets. While most protests have been peaceful, some groups have engaged in arson, vandalism and looting. Belgium has seen its own confrontations, while grievances over housing, education, wages, energy prices and public services are surfacing across Europe. What links these protests is the convergence of different grievances. In France, student anger...

What Is Driving Europe’s Unrest?

Images of destruction can overshadow the grievances that brought people onto the streets. France has seen hundreds of thousands take to the streets. While most protests have been peaceful, some groups have engaged in arson, vandalism and looting. Belgium has seen its own confrontations, while grievances over housing, education, wages, energy prices and public services are surfacing across Europe. What links these protests is the convergence of different grievances. In France, student anger over teacher shortages, overcrowded classrooms and deteriorating facilities helped spark protests that drew in teachers, workers and trade unions. Concerns soon widened to inflation, housing, fuel prices, pensions, declining public services and distrust of government. In Belgium, education reforms, austerity and rising higher education costs have fuelled student anger, merging with wider discontent. Across Europe, accumulated grievances are finding a common outlet in street protests. The Roots of Anger For years, Europeans counted on affordable education, reliable public services and a better future for the next generation. That confidence is fading. Rising energy bills, housing and education costs, and job insecurity are straining households, while indebted governments struggle to fund healthcare, pensions, defence and welfare. Despite their wealth, many Europeans feel insecure as the opportunities and safety nets they once took for granted weaken. Immigration and Identity The unrest cannot simply be labelled an immigrant or religious uprising, nor can all protest violence be blamed on migrants. But immigration and integration remain part of the debate. Migration, asylum, national identity and religion have long divided European opinion. Questions about how many newcomer countries can integrate, the demands placed on migrants and the sustainability of welfare systems remain contentious. Economic pressures over jobs, housing and public services can deepen these tensions. Critics of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen argue that permissive migration policies have weakened borders and strained public services. The Commission points to tighter screening, border procedures and returns under the EU’s new migration framework. The unrest could intensify calls for stricter migration policies across Europe. Who Leads the Protest? Social media can turn a local grievance into a mass protest within hours, without a political party or formal leadership. Peaceful demonstrations can be disrupted by extremists, agitators or opportunistic criminals, shifting attention from the original demands to violence and looting. Images of destruction can overshadow the grievances that brought people onto the streets. Governments then face a difficult question: who speaks for a leaderless crowd? Unlike trade unions or political movements, digitally mobilised groups may have no leaders who can negotiate or call off protests. With no clear chain of command, even a genuine attempt at dialogue may struggle to reach the people on the streets. When violence disrupts legitimate demonstrations, distinguishing democratic dissent from organised disorder becomes harder. The economic fallout can be widespread. Blocked roads disrupt transport, strikes affect supplies, and violence hurts businesses and tourism while raising policing costs. Social disruption can thus become a powerful tool of political pressure. What Happens Next? Europe faces a difficult balance. More riot police may restore order, but governments must also address the grievances behind the unrest. Legitimate grievances do not justify violence, just as public disorder should not be used to dismiss peaceful protest. That means tackling housing costs, declining public services, education and energy insecurity, while enforcing clear migration and integration policies. Governments must also address public concerns rather than dismiss them as extremism, leaving political extremes free to exploit them. Protests in France and Belgium may fade, but economic insecurity, political grievances, misinformation and online mobilisation will remain challenges. The question is not just how to stop the unrest, but why so much discontent has built up. Recent protests in Delhi, Mumbai and other Indian cities offer a limited comparison. Despite different grievances, social media has shown how quickly discontent can move from smartphones to the streets. Mobilisations around electoral roll revisions, including those backed by opposition parties, are part of democratic politics. India’s institutions have so far absorbed such episodes without major disruption. Claims of foreign interference, however, require evidence. The causes and scale of unrest differ between India and Europe, even if the methods of mobilisation share similarities. (The writer is an advocate, legal, geopolitical and public policy analyst. Views personal.)

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Writer: Romita Datta
Romita Datta
Aug 27, 2024
4 min read

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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