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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

BJP’s mega induction drive in Nashik amid local friction

Mumbai: The Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) city office in Nashik turned into a high-stakes political theater on Thursday as the party executed a "mega induction drive" ahead of the crucial Municipal Corporation elections. In a move that signalled both the party's aggressive expansion and rising internal friction, five senior heavyweight leaders from the NCP-SP, Congress, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), and Shiv Sena (UBT) officially crossed over to the saffron fold. Former Nashik Mayor and...

BJP’s mega induction drive in Nashik amid local friction

Mumbai: The Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) city office in Nashik turned into a high-stakes political theater on Thursday as the party executed a "mega induction drive" ahead of the crucial Municipal Corporation elections. In a move that signalled both the party's aggressive expansion and rising internal friction, five senior heavyweight leaders from the NCP-SP, Congress, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), and Shiv Sena (UBT) officially crossed over to the saffron fold. Former Nashik Mayor and Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Vinayak Pande, Former Nashik Mayor from MNS and now Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Adv. Yatin Wagh, former MNS MLA now NCP-SP leader Adv. Nitin Bhosle, former Chairpersons of the Standing Committee of the Corporation Shahu Khaire (Congress) and Sanjay Chavan (SS-UBT) and MNS state secretary Dinkar Patil joined the BJP at Nashik along with their respective supporters and several former corporators on Thursday in presence of irrigation minister Girish Mahajan. Local BJP MLA Devyanhi Pharande, who is also the Municipal Corporation election in charge of the party, had been opposing induction of Adv. Wagh, Khaire and Pande into the party. In a social media post early in the morning, she accused the party leadership of keeping her in dark about the induction drive. Electric Atmosphere The atmosphere at the BJP headquarters was electric yet tense as the city witnessed the mega induction drive. Supporters of the incoming leaders arrived with drums and garlands, while a noticeable contingent of BJP "loyalists"—long-time party workers who have spent decades building the local unit—staged protest against the drive even as the police controlled them. Despite a formal protest and "strong opposition" voiced by these senior loyalists the party high command moved forward with the induction. The "grand drama" peaked as the five leaders were welcomed with traditional turbans and BJP scarves, even as some veteran workers briefly staged a silent demonstration outside the main hall, questioning the "dilution" of the party's core ideology for electoral gains. Pharande, who is in her third term as the party MLA from the city, had been winning on Hindutva plank from the constituency that has a sizable Muslim population. While some of the leaders inducted today had been winning on the basis of the Muslim vote bank in the city, at least two of them are being seen by Pharande as the prospective contenders for the assembly seat she is currently holding. That also explains why she mentioned that she had been a staunch Hindutva warrior, in her social media post, said a senior party sympathiser. Party insiders also said that she was informer only late in the night about the induction drive and there was no response to her calls to the party leadership, which led to demonstrations. Goal Of 100 However, the induction ceremony was presided over by Mahajan, often referred to as the party’s "crisis manager." Addressing the packed hall, Mahajan made no apologies for the move, framing it as a clinical necessity for the upcoming civic polls. "This induction is aimed at a spectacular victory in the ensuing elections," Mahajan declared. "With the influence and ground-level support these five leaders bring, I am confident the BJP shall win over 100 of the total 122 seats in the city corporation." The ambitious target of 100+ seats suggests that the BJP is looking to achieve a near-absolute majority, reducing the opposition to a negligible presence in the Nashik Municipal Corporation. Recognising the simmering resentment among the rank and file, Mahajan spent a significant portion of his speech addressing the "old guard." He assured the veterans that their sacrifices for the party would not be forgotten despite the arrival of new, high-profile entrants. Mahajan explicitly promised that "injustice won’t be done to the old, senior, loyal party workers." He also urged the cadres to "not worry" and instead focus on the larger goal of total dominance in the corporation. The exit of these five leaders is a significant blow to the Shiv Sena (UBT) and MNS, both of which have recently announced alliances in other parts of the state to counter the BJP. By poaching talent from these specific camps, the BJP has effectively disrupted the local leadership chain of its rivals just as the election machinery begins to churn.

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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