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By:

Commodore S.L. Deshmukh

31 October 2024 at 8:30:19 am

Killing the Hidden Killer

INS Mangrol strengthens India’s underwater defences as Chinese anti-submarine capabilities and Pakistan’s submarine fleet underscore the need for indigenous technology and coastal preparedness. The most dangerous threat to a warship is not always visible on the horizon. Lurking beneath the waves, a hostile submarine can threaten naval assets, disrupt maritime traffic and place critical infrastructure at risk without revealing its presence. For India, whose maritime interests stretch across...

Killing the Hidden Killer

INS Mangrol strengthens India’s underwater defences as Chinese anti-submarine capabilities and Pakistan’s submarine fleet underscore the need for indigenous technology and coastal preparedness. The most dangerous threat to a warship is not always visible on the horizon. Lurking beneath the waves, a hostile submarine can threaten naval assets, disrupt maritime traffic and place critical infrastructure at risk without revealing its presence. For India, whose maritime interests stretch across the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal and the wider Indian Ocean, countering this hidden threat is an operational necessity. The commissioning of INS Mangrol, the Indian Navy’s third Anti-Submarine Warfare Shallow Water Craft (ASW-SWC) built by Cochin Shipyard Limited (CSL), Kochi, represents another important step in strengthening this capability. At a time when China is expanding its naval reach and Pakistan continues to operate Chinese-origin submarines, India’s ability to detect, track and neutralise underwater threats assumes growing strategic significance. Complex Challenges Anti-submarine warfare (ASW) presents particular challenges in shallow coastal waters. Unlike the relatively predictable acoustic environment of the deep sea, littoral waters generate complex sound patterns through seabed reflections, shipping activity and varying water conditions. These factors can complicate the detection and classification of hostile submarines. Yet these are precisely the waters where threats can approach naval bases, strategic ports, commercial shipping lanes and offshore installations. Conventional frigates and destroyers, despite their formidable capabilities, cannot always operate with the same agility in confined, shallow-water environments. This is where the ASW-SWC programme assumes significance. Conceived as a replacement for the ageing Abhay-class corvettes, these vessels are designed to provide specialised anti-submarine protection in India’s coastal waters. Their induction strengthens a crucial layer of maritime defence between the open sea and the country’s vulnerable coastal approaches. INS Mangrol carries forward a distinguished naval tradition. Named after the historic port town of Mangrol in Gujarat’s Junagadh district, it also recalls the legacy of the erstwhile INS Mangrol (M85), an Agray-class minesweeper decommissioned in 2004. Designed for anti-submarine warfare, underwater surveillance and coastal patrol, its significance, however, extends beyond its relatively compact dimensions. The vessel combines specialised sensors, indigenous weapons and manoeuvrability suited to the demanding conditions of shallow waters. Its sensor suite includes the DRDO-developed Abhay hull-mounted sonar and advanced low-frequency active towed-array sonar capabilities tailored to the challenging acoustics of littoral environments. Together, these systems are intended to improve the detection and tracking of underwater contacts. The vessel’s armament includes indigenous anti-submarine rocket launchers and lightweight torpedoes, supported by remote-controlled gun mounts for other operational requirements. Its indigenous Maareech Advanced Torpedo Defence System adds another layer of protection, helping detect, classify and counter incoming torpedo threats through acoustic countermeasures and decoys. These characteristics are particularly valuable when operating close to shore, where time and space for tactical decisions can be severely limited. Its utility is not restricted to hunting submarines. The platform can also undertake low-intensity maritime operations, surveillance of coastal choke points, mine-related missions and search-and-rescue duties. Such versatility makes it a valuable asset in peacetime as well as during periods of heightened tension. Equally important is the programme’s contribution to self-reliance. With more than 80 per cent indigenous content understood to be incorporated in INS Mangrol, the vessel reflects the growing capabilities of Indian shipyards, defence laboratories and domestic manufacturers, including micro, small and medium enterprises. The programme also demonstrates how complex naval platforms can strengthen the wider domestic defence ecosystem. The broader ASW-SWC programme has already gained momentum with the induction of vessels including INS Arnala, INS Androth and INS Mahe. The remaining ships are scheduled for completion by June 2028. Once the programme matures, the Navy will possess a more comprehensive and modernised force for addressing underwater threats close to India’s shores. The China Threat India’s requirement for stronger anti-submarine capabilities must be viewed against the wider transformation of China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). Beijing has invested heavily in modern surface combatants, submarines, maritime surveillance systems and aviation platforms, with ASW forming an important component of its expanding naval capabilities. The Type 055 Renhai-class guided-missile destroyer illustrates this evolution. Equipped with a 112-cell vertical launch system, advanced multifunction radar and electronic warfare capabilities, the class is designed for complex, multi-domain naval operations. Its ability to operate with shipborne helicopters, including the Z-20F in the PLAN’s anti-submarine role, adds an important aerial dimension to maritime surveillance and submarine hunting. China has also pursued greater operational coordination with Russia. Joint naval exercises, including anti-submarine activities conducted by the two countries in October 2024, have highlighted their interest in improving interoperability and coordinated maritime operations. For India, the implications are clear. The challenge is not simply the number of submarines a potential adversary possesses, but the integration of sensors, aircraft, surface ships, weapons and information networks into a coordinated operational system. Pakistan’s acquisition and operation of Chinese-origin submarine platforms adds another dimension to India’s maritime security calculations. The possibility of hostile submarines operating near strategic ports, naval installations and offshore energy infrastructure demands sustained vigilance. The protection of assets such as the Bombay High oil and gas fields is especially important given their significance to national energy security. INS Mangrol is an important addition to India’s coastal anti-submarine shield, but a single platform cannot neutralise every underwater threat. Effective ASW depends on the integration of ships, maritime patrol aircraft, helicopters, surveillance networks, trained crews and reliable intelligence. Equally critical are continuous upgrades, realistic exercises and the ability to operate seamlessly across different maritime environments. Aatmanirbhar Bharat in naval defence must mean not merely assembling ships at home, but developing the technologies, industrial depth and operational expertise needed to maintain a decisive advantage. INS Mangrol represents progress in this demanding contest. Its real value will lie in the larger indigenous maritime-defence ecosystem it helps strengthen. (The writer is a retired naval aviation officer and defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Writer: Romita Datta
Romita Datta
Aug 27, 2024
4 min read

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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