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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Kamble lusted for women, animals: Judgment

Mumbai: Pune rape-cum-murder convict Bhimrao Prabhakar Kamble, 65 - who was slapped with triple death sentences and triple life imprisonments - has emerged as a deeply depraved sexual predator who, according to the historic judgment of a Pune Special (POCSO) Court, spared neither women nor animals to satisfy his lust. The verdict records that he routinely "misbehaved" with farm animals and had once even attempted to have sexual intercourse with a goat. Special Judge S. R. Salunkhe sentenced...

Kamble lusted for women, animals: Judgment

Mumbai: Pune rape-cum-murder convict Bhimrao Prabhakar Kamble, 65 - who was slapped with triple death sentences and triple life imprisonments - has emerged as a deeply depraved sexual predator who, according to the historic judgment of a Pune Special (POCSO) Court, spared neither women nor animals to satisfy his lust. The verdict records that he routinely "misbehaved" with farm animals and had once even attempted to have sexual intercourse with a goat. Special Judge S. R. Salunkhe sentenced Kamble to be “hanged till death” and awarded life imprisonment on each of the principal charges of rape, murder and kidnapping, besides convicting him under various provisions of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act. Describing the crimes as “brutal, inhuman and barbaric”, the court held that it fell within the “rarest of rare” category deserving the ultimate punishment. Hailing from Salwade village in Bhor taluka of Pune district, Kamble was notorious for persistently harassing women and exhibiting sexually deviant behaviour, eventually forcing villagers to socially ostracise and expel him years ago. Depraved Personality His disturbing conduct towards animals first surfaced in 1996, when he was grazing goats on a nearby hillock and allegedly attempted to have sex with one of them. He was caught in the act by another shepherd and the incident spread in the village like wildfire. Though Kamble is the father of seven daughters and one son, all now married, he was driven away from his family and the villagers after he was declared persona non grata. Thereafter, he drifted from village to village, surviving as a daily-wage labourer, taking up odd jobs for meagre wages and sleeping wherever he could find shelter. In 1998, he was accused of sexually harassing an elderly woman from his extended family and later in 2024, he again faced allegations of molesting his minor niece. Although he was acquitted in both cases, current investigators view a pattern in his long history of predatory behaviour. Labourer to Murderer Most recently, Kamble worked as a farm labourer by a farmer Sandeep Gayawal in Nasrapur, around six kms from his native Salwade. Gayawal had allowed him to sleep on a cot inside a tin storage shed adjoining a cowshed. From April 25, Kamble and five other labourers were engaged in transporting bricks for renovation work at a nearby Ram Temple. After discovering that Kamble had begun storing his personal belongings inside the tin shed, Gayawal ordered him to vacate the premises on April 30. On the morning of May 1, Kamble left his belongings near the temple and loitered around. It was there that he spotted the victim - a girl aged three years and two months - playing with other children, but subsequent events serve as a grim lesson to all parents who allow their children to play outside but fail to keep an eye on them. The victim and her six-year-old elder sister had come from Dhayari village, nearly 20 kms from Narsapur, to spend summer vacation with their grandmother. Belonging to a priest’s family, the grandmother performed all rituals and managed the temple since the death of her husband in 2022. Incidentally, Gayawal was their neighbour. One of his four cows had recently calved, and the victim, her sister and other neighbourhood children frequently visited the cowshed to play with the newborn calf, which was tethered beside the same tin shed where Kamble had been staying. Black Day On the afternoon of May 1, the children were playing hide-and-seek around the temple precincts when Kamble targeted the little girl. Waiting till she was left alone inside the temple, he hurled bricks and drove away the other children, before implementing his nasty and lusty plans. Investigators later pieced together, through CCTV footage and other forensic evidence, that over the next 39 minutes, Kamble committed the horrific sexual assault before murdering the child, and again indulging in sex with her body. Meanwhile, at around 4 pm, when the grandmother realised the child was missing, an extensive search began, and other residents combed through CCTV footage. Initially they spotted a man dressed in white carrying a large bag. Suspecting he had kidnapped the girl, the villagers intercepted him, only to discover that the bag contained nothing more than loaves of bread, and he was allowed to leave. Probe End Soon afterwards, officers from Rajgad Police Station joined the investigation. CCTV footage from a neighbouring property showed Kamble emerging from a public water tank area before approaching the Munjoba Temple, where he was seen taking the child's hand and leading her towards Gayawal's tin shed - the very place from which he had been evicted a day earlier – and 39 minutes later, the footage captured him walking out alone. Suspicious villagers eventually found Kamble sitting casually on a bench near the Kalubai Temple. During questioning by Gayawal and others, he confessed to the crime, terming it as ‘a mistake’ as outrage erupted all over the state.

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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