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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

A National Memory Far Greater Than Three Minutes and Ten Seconds

Paying respect to Vande Mataram is not about endorsing any party or government but is a tribute to the freedom struggle where countless Indians from all states created a singular national chorus. The recent controversy in Keralam over the full recitation of Vande Mataram at official events has once again brought to the fore an old yet critical question that can the national memories of our freedom struggle be compartmentalized within the boundaries of states, political parties, and momentary...

A National Memory Far Greater Than Three Minutes and Ten Seconds

Paying respect to Vande Mataram is not about endorsing any party or government but is a tribute to the freedom struggle where countless Indians from all states created a singular national chorus. The recent controversy in Keralam over the full recitation of Vande Mataram at official events has once again brought to the fore an old yet critical question that can the national memories of our freedom struggle be compartmentalized within the boundaries of states, political parties, and momentary convenience? The Keralam government maintains that, in keeping with past tradition, only the first two stanzas of the song will be sung at official functions. On the other hand, the central government is emphasizing its collective recitation nationwide to mark the 150th anniversary of its composition. Amidst this, Congress MP Rajmohan Unnithan's opposition to singing the complete song has added further political fuel to the debate. Meanwhile, the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly has passed a resolution mandating the rendition of Tamil Thai Vazhthu at the beginning of public events across the state. While taking pride in one's language and cultural identity is natural, can regional and national identities truly be considered rivals? The beauty of India's pluralism lies in the reality that Tamil is uniquely Tamil and Malayalam is uniquely Malayalam, yet the history of our freedom belongs to everyone. Political ideas travelled through poems, songs, newspapers, street performances and public meetings, allowing nationalism to acquire a local vocabulary without losing its larger meaning. The importance of the movement was precisely this ability to make the idea of India intelligible in many different cultural languages. Transcending Barriers The attempt to restrict Vande Mataram to a single region or ideology does not hold up against the history of Tamil Nadu. Mahakavi Subramania Bharati (1882-1921) was a legendary Tamil poet, freedom fighter, and social reformer. He translated and adapted Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay's immortal song into Tamil. His poetic works such as Kannan Pattu, Nilavum Vanminum Katrum, Panchali Sabatham, and Kuyil Pattu stand as testaments to his vast creative genius. His nationalist consciousness connected the freedom movement in South India deeply with the popular sentiment of the masses. Bharati's importance in this context goes beyond translation. He understood that nationalism could not survive as an elite political doctrine; it had to become part of popular culture. His songs gave political ideas a form that could be remembered and repeated, and helped bridge the distance between political leaders and ordinary people. His Tamil rendering of Vande Mataram was therefore part of a wider process through which a Bengali composition entered the cultural vocabulary of another major Indian linguistic region. Subramania Bharati Bharati published Swadesha Geethangal in 1908. According to the Indian government's Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav portal, his writings played a pivotal role in generating public opinion for the Swadeshi movement in the Madras region. One of his cartoons even depicts the Vande Mataram flag. In his published poetry collections, Vandemataram is recorded as an independent composition. This work is also included in Poems of Subramania Bharati, published by the Sahitya Akademi in 1977, and Subramania Bharati: Chosen Poems and Prose (1984). This was also the period when the Swadeshi movement was demonstrating how quickly nationalist symbols could cross provincial boundaries. The partition of Bengal in 1905 had begun as an administrative act, but the opposition to it produced a much wider cultural and political awakening. Songs, flags, boycotts and public processions became instruments of resistance. Vande Mataram emerged from this atmosphere not simply as a literary work but as a public expression of political defiance. Official documents from Tamil Nadu related to the freedom movement describe Vandemataram in Bharati's Swadesha Geethangal as the first national song and a profound clarion call that inspired freedom fighters. It is also documented that his songs served as a medium to convey national consciousness to the illiterate masses, who would sing and recite them to others. Naturally, the question arises that how can a song that Bharati carried into the hearts and minds of the Tamil populace not belong to South India? After all, a national symbol becomes national precisely when people outside its place of origin adopt it as their own. In truth, Vande Mataram was born in Bengal, but it was never confined to Bengal. It transcended linguistic boundaries, reaching Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam, Hindi, and other Indian languages. Its translations and adaptations made it an integral part of a shared national consciousness across Indian languages. Rabindranath Tagore sang it at the 1896 Congress session. By the Swadeshi movement of 1905, it had evolved into a powerful cry of national resistance. In 1950, the Constituent Assembly accorded it the same status and equal respect as Jana Gana Mana. Bankim Chandra Chatterjee Its journey is remarkable. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay first published the song in Bangadarshan in 1875, and later incorporated it into Anandamath. Two decades later, Tagore's rendition at the 1896 Congress session gave it a prominent place in the public life of the nationalist movement. After the partition of Bengal in 1905, its political significance grew enormously, and the colonial authorities came to regard its public invocation as a symbol of anti-British agitation. Historically Flawed Therefore, viewing Vande Mataram as a symbol of the BJP is historically as flawed as labelling it the song of any single political ideology. Decades before the BJP came into existence, it had already become the voice of the freedom struggle, echoing from the platforms of the Congress to the hideouts of revolutionaries. The argument put forward by a Congress MP that singing the full song takes three minutes and ten seconds, and that standing for that long poses a practical difficulty, may well be a subject of discussion. It is also true that respect cannot be legislated, and patriotism cannot be instilled in someone's heart by order. But should the honour of a national song be weighed by its duration? In the face of the supreme sacrifices made by our freedom fighters, is three minutes and ten seconds really all that long? This is the very India whose freedom fighters spent years in prisons, lost properties, gave up careers, stayed away from their families, and dedicated their entire lives to the nation. Measured against that history, the argument of three minutes and ten seconds appears trivial indeed. Vande Mataram was composed during an era when India was not free. Arousing national consciousness amidst colonial rule was an act of resistance in itself. It was first published on November 7, 1875, in the periodical Bangadarshan. Later, it found its way into Bankim Chandra's novel Anandamath, and its journey from the 1896 Congress session to the Swadeshi movement transformed it into a potent symbol of national awakening. The fact that it completes 150 years in 2026 is significant because it gives us an opportunity to re-read our shared national memory. Let Keralam take pride in its language and culture, let Tamil Nadu honour Tamil identity, and let every Indian cherish their regional traditions; but doing so does not require distancing oneself from our national memory. Bharati's warning remains as relevant today as ever: without the unity of Indians, freedom is impossible. Today, paying respect to Vande Mataram is not about endorsing any party or government. It is a tribute to that freedom struggle in which countless Indians-from Bengal to Tamil Nadu and Keralam-added their individual voices to create a singular national chorus. The new generation must also know the voices and sacrifices that laid the foundations of that future. Vande Mataram is one of those definitive voices. A journey spanning 150 years cannot be constrained by the ticking of a three-minute-ten-second clock. (The writer is a senior Patna-based journalist and political analyst. Views personal.)

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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