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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Calculated Deception

The grand narrative constructed around Abhijeet Dipke and his self-styled Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), which was at the forefront of the NEET exam paper leak protests, is now unravelling rapidly under basic factual verification. Designed as a viral, internet-fuelled pressure front, Dipke’s crusade presented itself as an organic revolt of students frustrated with the lapses in the Indian education system. However, a closer examination of Dipke’s timelines, credentials and digital footprint...

Calculated Deception

The grand narrative constructed around Abhijeet Dipke and his self-styled Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), which was at the forefront of the NEET exam paper leak protests, is now unravelling rapidly under basic factual verification. Designed as a viral, internet-fuelled pressure front, Dipke’s crusade presented itself as an organic revolt of students frustrated with the lapses in the Indian education system. However, a closer examination of Dipke’s timelines, credentials and digital footprint reveals a stark pattern of systemic hypocrisy and institutional manipulation. A primary pillar of Dipke’s public persona has been his academic background at Boston University. Yet, his timeline contains glaring physical impossible realities. Dipke publicly displayed a scholarship letter claiming enrolment for the Fall 2024 academic term, which spanned September to December 2024. But during this precise window, Dipke was physically present in India actively participating in campaign activities for the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) despite having claimed that left that party in 2023. Furthermore, location logs and reviews place him in Schaumburg, Illinois, and Orlando, Florida, thousands of miles from the Boston campus during times he was purportedly pursuing his studies. Dipke’s claims of a USD 12,500 per semester partial scholarship leaves tens of thousands of dollars in tuition and living expenses unaccounted for, raising serious questions about the origin of funds unsecured by standard collateral for someone claiming modest familial income. Dipke has repeatedly asserted that his political association with AAP was limited between 2020 and 2023. Yet digital records confirm his operational involvement with AAP stretching back a decade. To sustain this sanitized origin story, Dipke allegedly scrubbed his historical social media data, altered his public X profile handle and systematically attempted to delete legacy posts. This alleged obfuscation is now being seen as an active effort to mislead the young demographic behind his anti-establishment posturing. Several have pointed that CJP’s tactical playbook relying on ‘laughtivism,’ satirical subversion, and symbol appropriation mirrors specific regime-change and protest methodologies associated with Western political strategy institutes like the Albert Einstein Institution and CANVAS. Far from being a spontaneous outburst of Gen Z anger, the operational signature of the movement fits established international frameworks designed to leverage civic frustration for targeted political disruptions. Dipke’s claims of state censorship are equally bizarre. Dipke had alleged that the Indian government dictatorially shut down the official CJP domain. But technical analysis of global DNS zone files tells a completely different story. Domain registration data reveals the site was created via a budget foreign registrar, and was placed on clientHold status, triggered directly by the registrar or the domain owner for compliance or technical non-payment. The youth who have placed their trust in Dipke’s platform deserve transparency, not a scripted political project operating behind a veil of curated outrage.

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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