top of page

By:

Bhaskar Nath Biswal

13 May 2026 at 3:00:30 pm

A Nation Unsafe for Women

In a nation that celebrates its women as embodiments of strength and resilience—from goddesses in mythology to leaders in modern boardrooms, the persistent surge in crimes against them paints a damning picture of societal failure. The latest National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data for 2022-2024 reveals not just isolated incidents but a disturbing national trend that demands immediate introspection and action. As India strides toward economic superpower status, the safety of half its...

A Nation Unsafe for Women

In a nation that celebrates its women as embodiments of strength and resilience—from goddesses in mythology to leaders in modern boardrooms, the persistent surge in crimes against them paints a damning picture of societal failure. The latest National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data for 2022-2024 reveals not just isolated incidents but a disturbing national trend that demands immediate introspection and action. As India strides toward economic superpower status, the safety of half its population remains perilously compromised, turning homes, streets and workplaces into arenas of fear rather than empowerment. Stark Numbers The NCRB’s Table 3A.1 on Crimes Against Women (under IPC and SLL) lays bare the escalating crisis. Across India, reported cases have climbed steadily: from 4,45,256 in 2022 to 4,48,221 in 2023, reaching a staggering 4,73,510 in 2024. This represents a concerning upward trajectory, with the rate of crimes against women (per lakh population) standing at 64.6 in 2024. While charge-sheeting rates hover around 83-84%, conviction outcomes often lag, underscoring systemic delays in justice delivery. State-wise disparities amplify the alarm. Uttar Pradesh consistently records the highest absolute numbers, with cases rising from 25,100 in 2022 to over 31,000 by 2024. Rajasthan follows as a major hotspot, alongside Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and West Bengal, each contributing thousands of additional incidents annually. Union Territories like Delhi paint an even bleaker urban picture, with rates exceeding 130 per lakh in some years, reflecting the vulnerabilities of dense metropolitan life. Southern states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu, often lauded for social indicators are not immune, showing notable increases in specific categories. The mid-year projected population figures contextualize these rates, revealing that even ‘progressive’ regions are failing to stem the tide. These are not mere numbers; they translate into lives shattered by rape, domestic violence, molestation and cybercrimes. The data highlights a post-pandemic surge, where lockdowns may have hidden abuses within homes while economic stresses exacerbated tensions. What was once whispered about as ‘women’s issues’ has ballooned into a public health and developmental emergency, eroding trust in institutions and deterring women's full participation in society. Deep-Rooted Failures The growth in crimes against women stems from a toxic interplay of patriarchal mindsets, inadequate enforcement and socio-economic pressures. At its core lies entrenched gender inequality. Despite legal reforms like the 2013 Criminal Law (Amendment) Act and the 2020 POCSO enhancements, implementation remains patchy. The police forces, often under-resourced and overburdened, exhibit low sensitivity toward gender-based cases. Delayed FIR registrations, victim-blaming during investigations and political interference frequently result in low conviction rates, emboldening perpetrators. Urbanization and rapid social change have compounded the problem. Migration to cities disrupts traditional support systems, leaving women more exposed in unfamiliar environments. The digital explosion has birthed new threats, online harassment and deepfake abuse - yet cybercrime cells struggle with capacity and awareness. Economic disparities play a role too: poverty, unemployment and alcohol abuse within families correlate strongly with domestic violence spikes. In rural heartlands, caste and honour-based violence persist, while in elite circles, power imbalances enable workplace exploitation. Cultural factors cannot be ignored. Bollywood’s objectification, regressive family norms and selective outrage on social media normalize violence. Education, while expanding, often fails to instil gender sensitivity, leaving young men unprepared for egalitarian relationships. Weak child protection and poor mental health infrastructure mean cycles of trauma perpetuate across generations. The NCRB figures, though improved in reporting due to greater awareness via schemes like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, likely underrepresent the true scale, as stigma silences countless survivors. Addressing this crisis requires more than rhetoric. Governments must prioritize gender budgeting, strengthening police training, fast-track courts and one-stop centers for comprehensive support. Community-led initiatives like sensitization drives in schools and villages, robust helplines and tech-enabled safety apps can bridge gaps. Corporate India and civil society must champion workplace safety and bystander intervention. Crucially, men must be enlisted as allies, dismantling toxic masculinity through education and accountability. The data from 2022-2024 is a wake-up call, not a verdict of inevitable decline. India’s demographic dividend hinges on securing women’s agency. By confronting these uncomfortable truths with data-driven policies and cultural shifts, we can forge a safer tomorrow. Our daughters deserve better than statistics of suffering, they deserve a nation that stands fiercely in their defence. (The writer is a former college Principal and Founder of Supporting Shoulders, an Odisha-based non-profit Trust. Views personal.)

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

Comments


bottom of page