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By:

Parashram Patil

14 January 2026 at 8:49:45 pm

The Winged Bio-Shield

The Indian swiftlet could help Konkan farmers reduce chemical costs, restore biodiversity and build a regenerative agricultural economy. The global agricultural matrix faces a dual crisis: escalating input costs and diminishing ecological returns driven by over-reliance on chemical interventions. In Maharashtra’s Konkan coastal belt, home to high-value horticultural assets such as the Alphonso mango (Hapus), cashew and coconut, this crisis demands a structural shift towards low-input,...

The Winged Bio-Shield

The Indian swiftlet could help Konkan farmers reduce chemical costs, restore biodiversity and build a regenerative agricultural economy. The global agricultural matrix faces a dual crisis: escalating input costs and diminishing ecological returns driven by over-reliance on chemical interventions. In Maharashtra’s Konkan coastal belt, home to high-value horticultural assets such as the Alphonso mango (Hapus), cashew and coconut, this crisis demands a structural shift towards low-input, high-efficiency biological systems. One promising approach is to integrate the Indian swiftlet (Aerodramus unicolor), a specialised insectivore, into agricultural pest management. By aligning its ecological behaviour with the principles of Natural Farming (Bhartiya Prakritik Krishi Paddhati), Konkan could reduce production costs, strengthen biodiversity conservation and build a regenerative agricultural economy. Konkan is a vital contributor to Maharashtra’s agrarian economy, but its high-value crop ecosystems remain vulnerable to fluctuating weather patterns and sudden pest outbreaks. The conventional response has been increased chemical pesticide use, with mounting economic and ecological costs. Synthetic chemical inputs can account for a substantial share of seasonal expenditure, squeezing smallholders’ margins. Pesticide residues can also complicate compliance with stringent Maximum Residue Limit (MRL) standards in export markets, while indiscriminate spraying harms native pollinators and can compromise fruit-set ratios. Reversing this trajectory requires a shift from chemical dependency towards biological pest management and the ecosystem services nature provides. Biological Asset The Indian swiftlet represents a potentially valuable biological asset. Unlike terrestrial birds, its physiology is adapted to continuous, high-velocity aerial foraging. It spends much of the day on the wing, catching insects in flight and covering substantial distances in search of food. From an agronomic perspective, a breeding colony could function as a decentralised bio-shield. The source proposal estimates that an individual swiftlet may consume 3,000 to 5,000 insects daily. On that basis, a hypothetical cluster of 20,000 birds could consume 60 million to 100 million insects a day. These estimates require scientific validation, particularly to establish how much of the birds’ diet consists of agricultural pests. Nevertheless, the possibility of sustained aerial insect predation merits investigation, especially during periods when orchard pest populations threaten valuable crops. By targeting insects in flight, swiftlets could potentially complement other biological controls and help suppress certain pests before they reproduce. Their contribution would depend on local feeding patterns, pest species and the extent to which their foraging overlaps with vulnerable orchards. Integrating swiftlets into agricultural policy could strengthen Natural Farming by addressing a vulnerability of ground-based interventions. Practices such as Jeevamrut application and mulching help nurture soil health and root zones, but do not necessarily protect upper canopies from flying insects. The swiftlet could provide an aerial complement to these practices, creating a more comprehensive ecological defence system without relying exclusively on labour-intensive natural pest-control preparations such as Agniastra. For Konkan’s small and marginal farmers, profitability often depends on controlling input costs. Conventional mango and cashew cultivation can involve considerable expenditure on pesticides and spraying labour. A swiftlet-assisted system could reduce some of these costs if field trials demonstrate effective pest suppression. The potential gains extend beyond farm finances. Reduced chemical spraying could limit workers’ exposure to hazardous substances, lower labour requirements and reduce the risk of crop losses associated with pest outbreaks. However, the scale of these benefits must be established through comparative trials rather than assumed in advance.
Biodiversity Dividend The integration of swiftlet habitats could create an economic incentive to conserve the wider coastal ecosystem, transforming conservation from a perceived burden into a productive asset. Reducing indiscriminate pesticide use would help protect beneficial insects, including native honeybees and butterflies, which play important roles in pollination. The extent of their recovery would depend on broader changes in pesticide practices and habitat quality, but a less chemically intensive landscape would provide a stronger foundation for biodiversity. The same logic applies to Konkan’s devrais, or sacred groves, and fragmented forest patches. These landscapes support diverse ecological communities and provide important habitats. If farmers recognise surrounding forests as part of the natural infrastructure supporting their orchards, community-led conservation could acquire a stronger economic rationale. Reduced chemical contamination could also benefit other regional wildlife, including the Malabar pied hornbill. Maharashtra has a potential biological starting point in the Vengurla Rocks off the Sindhudurg coast, associated with significant Indian swiftlet populations. The next step would be to investigate whether carefully designed inland habitats could attract breeding populations and support agricultural pest management. Parts of Southeast Asia, particularly Malaysia and Indonesia, have developed specialised swiftlet houses modelled on natural caves. These structures, sometimes equipped with acoustic playbacks, attract birds for the commercial production of edible nests. A comparable model could offer rural communities a potential second source of income alongside horticulture. But the transferability of Southeast Asian practices to inland Konkan cannot be assumed. Local climate, habitat, colonisation rates, construction costs and the birds’ ecological requirements would all need careful assessment. The Indian swiftlet’s conservation status and the applicable provisions of the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, must be examined before any capture, harvesting or commercial activity is considered. Conservation must remain central to any economic model. To explore this opportunity, Maharashtra could develop a Public-Private-Community Partnership involving the Forest Department, agricultural researchers and local farmers. Three priorities deserve attention. First, scientific research must establish the swiftlet’s diet, foraging patterns and actual impact on orchard pests. Second, pilot projects should compare conventional cultivation with swiftlet-assisted natural farming, measuring pesticide use, production costs, yields, fruit quality and biodiversity. Third, any proposed nesting structures or commercial activities must comply with wildlife laws. The institutional integration of the Indian swiftlet into Konkan’s agricultural framework offers a potentially valuable synthesis of ecological regeneration and farm economics. By treating the bird not merely as a protected wildlife species but also as a possible partner in biological pest management, Maharashtra could explore a new approach to sustainable horticulture. (The writer is a member of Maharashtra Agriculture Price Commission. Views personal.)

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Writer: Romita Datta
Romita Datta
Aug 27, 2024
4 min read

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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