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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Tawde’s journey from exile to UP fortress

Mumbai: In 2014, when Narendra Modi first ascended to the Prime Minister’s office, he entrusted the politically complex and electorally decisive state of Uttar Pradesh to his closest confidant, Amit Shah. Now, in a move that has sent ripples through the corridors of power, the Bharatiya Janata Party has bestowed that exact strategic mantle upon its National General Secretary, Vinod Tawde. With the crucial Uttar Pradesh assembly elections looming just a year away in 2027, Tawde’s appointment...

Tawde’s journey from exile to UP fortress

Mumbai: In 2014, when Narendra Modi first ascended to the Prime Minister’s office, he entrusted the politically complex and electorally decisive state of Uttar Pradesh to his closest confidant, Amit Shah. Now, in a move that has sent ripples through the corridors of power, the Bharatiya Janata Party has bestowed that exact strategic mantle upon its National General Secretary, Vinod Tawde. With the crucial Uttar Pradesh assembly elections looming just a year away in 2027, Tawde’s appointment as the state in-charge is a masterstroke of political rehabilitation and trust. While many political pundits anticipated Tawde might replace Dharmendra Pradhan in the Modi cabinet, the high command had a far more vital organizational mission in mind for the leader who, remarkably, found himself politically uprooted from his home turf of Maharashtra barely seven years ago. Serving as the Education Minister in the Devendra Fadnavis-led Maharashtra government, Tawde was a prominent and powerful face of the state BJP. However, the political winds shifted abruptly prior to the 2019 assembly elections. In a move that shocked many, his portfolios were drastically curtailed and handed over to Ashish Shelar, followed by the ultimate political blow: he was denied a ticket to contest from his stronghold constituency of Borivali. Whispers of a fierce, underlying political rivalry with Fadnavis flooded political circles, with widespread speculation suggesting that the Chief Minister had orchestrated the systematic downsizing of Tawde’s administrative influence to neutralize a potential competitor. Faced with a sudden, humiliating political exile, Tawde stood at a crossroads where many regional leaders opt for rebellion. Instead, he chose the path of extreme discipline, absorbing the setback and redirecting his focus entirely on national politics. Leveraging his deep, foundational roots in the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), Tawde utilized his vast organizational network—a residual strength that survived his loss of ministerial power. His political resurrection was championed by the then-BJP President J.P. Nadda, a fellow ABVP alumnus who shared a profound camaraderie with the exiled leader. Recognizing his untapped potential, Nadda brought him to Delhi, initiating a comeback that began with his appointment as the Haryana in-charge in 2020 and culminated in his rapid elevation to National General Secretary in 2021. Tawde’s tenure as an organizational architect quickly yielded dividends. After stabilizing the party apparatus in Haryana, he was thrown into the politically volatile cauldron of Bihar in 2022. The BJP was navigating an exceptionally hostile environment marred by the shifting allegiances of Nitish Kumar and the looming shadow of the RJD. Immersing himself in booth-level micro-management and delicate alliance negotiations, Tawde orchestrated a remarkable consolidation. His strategic maneuvers were instrumental when Nitish Kumar eventually returned to the NDA fold in 2023, paving the way for the coalition’s formidable performance in the subsequent 2024 Lok Sabha and 2025 Bihar Assembly elections. As his stock rose, the central leadership began entrusting him with prestige assignments that transcended typical state electoral politics. Tawde emerged as a highly effective backroom coordinator during the 2022 presidential election of Droupadi Murmu, seamlessly managing cross-party liaisons across multiple states. He replicated this managerial success during C.P. Radhakrishnan’s vice-presidential election in 2025. Beyond electoral arithmetic, Tawde spearheaded massive national outreach initiatives, leading the ‘Sanghatan Parv 2024’ membership drive and coordinating complex central campaigns ranging from ‘Har Ghar Tiranga’ to the delicate domestic communications during ‘Operation Ganga’ in Ukraine. Vinod Tawde has not merely returned from the political wilderness; he has conquered it, transforming a harsh regional sidelining into an undisputed mandate at the very heart of the nation’s political epicenter.

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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