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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Victory in the streets, vacuum in the office

State BJP without official body since over 8 months Mumbai: Despite a crushing wave of victories across Maharashtra’s urban and rural landscape, the state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) finds itself in a peculiar state of organizational paralysis. More than eight months after Ravindra Chavan officially took the reins as State President from Chandrashekhar Bawankule in July 2025, the party has failed to constitute its state executive body, exposing deep-seated internal friction and a...

Victory in the streets, vacuum in the office

State BJP without official body since over 8 months Mumbai: Despite a crushing wave of victories across Maharashtra’s urban and rural landscape, the state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) finds itself in a peculiar state of organizational paralysis. More than eight months after Ravindra Chavan officially took the reins as State President from Chandrashekhar Bawankule in July 2025, the party has failed to constitute its state executive body, exposing deep-seated internal friction and a deadlock with the central leadership in Delhi. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited Delhi twice this week. On Friday he also called on the newly elected national party president Nitin Nabin. Though it is being speculated that the meeting might lead to political realignment in the state, real question is whether it will bring to the tracks the derailed organizational appointments of the state party unit. The primary catalyst for this administrative limbo is said to be a strict directive from the BJP high command. In a bid to ensure that elected representatives remain laser-focused on their constituencies ahead of the 2029 cycle, the party leadership has mandated that no sitting MLA should be appointed as an organizational office bearer. While logically sound, this "one person, one post" enforcement has drained the pool of seasoned leaders available for the state body. State President Ravindra Chavan, himself an MLA from Dombivli, is reportedly struggling to balance the requirement for experienced "organizational engines" with the demand for fresh, non-legislative faces. The friction has reportedly peaked over the appointment of a specific former minister who lost his seat during the 2024 Lok Sabha debacle. Sources indicate this leader, who feels sidelined after being denied a cabinet berth in the Devendra Fadnavis-led government, is lobbying aggressively for the powerful post of State General Secretary. However, the Delhi high command remains unimpressed. Citing his recent electoral loss and a "cloud of controversy" surrounding his previous tenure, the central leadership has twice rejected the list of office bearers submitted by the state unit. This tug-of-war has effectively stalled the entire process, as the state unit is hesitant to move forward without accommodating senior loyalists. The irony of the situation is not lost on political observers. The organizational delay comes at a time when the BJP’s "election machine" is performing at its peak. While demonstrating its civic dominance, in the January 2026 municipal elections, the BJP swept 1,425 out of 2,869 seats across 29 corporations, including a historic victory in the BMC. It also demonstrated its rural surge in the recently concluded Zilla Parishad polls, where the party emerged as the single largest entity, winning 225 of 731 seats. "The party is winning on the strength of the 'Fadnavis-Chavan' duo and the Mahayuti's momentum, but the skeletal structure of the organization is missing. We have generals and soldiers, but no mid-level commanders," noted a senior party strategist on the condition of anonymity. When questioned about the delay, Ravindra Chavan’s office has maintained a disciplined silence. Staffers decline to provide a timeline, merely stating that "consultations are ongoing." This lack of a formal state body means that key wings of the party—including the Youth, Women, and Kisan Morchas—are operating without a full set of sanctioned leaders. While the BJP continues to win elections through centralized command, the simmering discontent among senior leaders who feel "abandoned" by the high command's new rules could pose a challenge to long-term internal harmony.

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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