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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Ajit Pawar dreamt big for Baramati

Mumbai/Pune : Shunned as a dry and drought-prone sub-district of Pune on the Deccan Plateau barely five decades ago, Baramati today symbolizes one of Maharashtra’s most striking examples of systematic rural transformation with the lion’s share of credit going to the state’s numero uno Sharad Pawar clan.   The prime activity of farming thrives here, cooperatives flourish, industries are booming, education soars and the infrastructure is envied even by many developed urban centres.   Little...

Ajit Pawar dreamt big for Baramati

Mumbai/Pune : Shunned as a dry and drought-prone sub-district of Pune on the Deccan Plateau barely five decades ago, Baramati today symbolizes one of Maharashtra’s most striking examples of systematic rural transformation with the lion’s share of credit going to the state’s numero uno Sharad Pawar clan.   The prime activity of farming thrives here, cooperatives flourish, industries are booming, education soars and the infrastructure is envied even by many developed urban centres.   Little wonder that the Pune region ranks lowest in terms of farmers suicides – in 2024, there were only 24 deaths, as per official data, said Vidarbha Jan Andolan Samiti President Kishore Tiwari, who has chronicled distress in farmlands of the state for three decades.   “The Pawars ensured that the region got adequate funds, irrigation, power and other planned facilities that helped the farmers immensely… We wish all other districts in the state to emulate this example, especially Vidarbha which is regarded as the farmland suicides hotbed,” Tiwari told  The Perfect Voice .   Though the foundations of the sea-change was laid by Sharad Pawar, later it was his nephew Ajit Pawar who architected his uncle’s long-term vision to reality through untiring efforts, single-minded dedication and tough groundwork for over four decades to achieve what is the famed ‘Baramati Model’.   As several lakhs of mourners turned up from all over Western Maharashtra and other places to bid a final adieu to Ajit Pawar on Thursday (Jan. 29), many were seen weeping, crying and wailing, and some expressed concerns for the future of Baramati and Pune district – in the absence of their active ‘messiah’.   While Sharad Pawar laid the ground-map for Baramati, Ajit Pawar implemented it by ensuring that government policies, big and small projects and different schemes not only reached the region but tangibly changed the lives of the locals.   As he grew in politics and entered governance in various positions, Ajit Pawar quickly grasped how the official machinery worked, and along with his stern approach, fiscal and administrative discipline plus knowledge of his home turf, he kickstarted the evolution of Baramati and surroundings.   Way back in 2009, when he was not even a Deputy CM, Ajit Pawar told a group of visiting journalists from Mumbai his dreams of catapulting Baramati onto the world map in various aspects of a model of rural-led development and progress that touched each citizen.   For this, he persistently advocated the upgradation of the small Baramati Airport, built by the MIDC in 1996, having a short runway (1770 metres long x 30 metres wide), where his ill-fated aircraft crashed on Wednesday morning. The airport is mostly used for small aircraft operations and training purposes.   Former Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan under whose tenure Ajit Pawar first became the Deputy CM, said that “he was a rare politician, a young visionary, dynamic and decisive, passionately pro-farmer and supportive of the cooperative sector”.   “When I was CM and he was the Deputy CM, he helped me take many tough decisions in the public interest. He was a sure-shot to lead the state (as CM), sooner than later. We have lost a great national-level leader whom coming generations would emulate,” Chavan told  The Perfect Voice , acknowledging Ajit Pawar’s contributions to the state.   Baramati Effect A local party activist, Milind Jadhav recalled how, when the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) founded by Sharad Pawar suffered a vertical split in July 2023, “every home and family in Baramati was splintered”.   “All the people were at a loss to decide whom to support in the ‘kaka-putnya’ political war, particularly during the 2024 Lok Sabha and Assembly elections. Thankfully, the politics was strictly kept at bay from Baramati’s development and also the Pawar household, he said.   Despite the political wranglings, Ajit Pawar visited Baramati at least once a week, reviewed important proposals, funds and expenses, status reports and other minute details, at times, showing more insight than the officialdom, was a stickler for the ‘ghadi’ (watch), often jumped up for unannounced site visits that rattled the officials.   The Baramati Industrial Development Corporation – part of the MIDC – came into existence in 1962 under Sharad Pawar, but under Ajit Pawar it spread wings to come up as an ideal industrial zone. National and international companies like Kalyani Steels, Bharat Forge, Godfrey Phillips, SMT Ltd. Imsofer, Schreiber, Piaggio, Ferrero, Senvion, India's first wine factory at Narayangaon (1982), and later proliferated to Nashik.   Simultaneously, the western Maharashtra’s agriculture backbone of sugarcane, grapes, jowar, wheat and cotton support many of the top performer cooperatives in the region and the Baramati Hi-Tech Textile Park (established in 2008 through Sharad Pawar’s efforts), support domestic apparels industry creating jobs and prosperity.   Strong background support comes from institutions like Agriculture Development Trust, several agriculture colleges affiliated to major agriculture universities, all combining for activities like modern farming techniques, entrepreneurship, water conservation, women’s education and empowerment, health-care besides skill development and upgradation.

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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