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By:

Sachin Udgirkar

14 April 2025 at 7:02:53 pm

UPI Stays Free — But the Rules Behind It Are Shifting

The real question is whether the cost stays confined to the merchant side or finds its way into prices. For a decade, UPI has run on one promise: instant, free and frictionless. That promise is now being tested. Parliament has cleared the legal path for a Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) on UPI transactions. Untangling what this actually means matters more than the headlines around it. The Taxation and Other Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026, passed by both Houses this month, amends Section 10A of the...

UPI Stays Free — But the Rules Behind It Are Shifting

The real question is whether the cost stays confined to the merchant side or finds its way into prices. For a decade, UPI has run on one promise: instant, free and frictionless. That promise is now being tested. Parliament has cleared the legal path for a Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) on UPI transactions. Untangling what this actually means matters more than the headlines around it. The Taxation and Other Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026, passed by both Houses this month, amends Section 10A of the Payment and Settlement Systems Act, 2007. It is, by the government's own description, an enabling provision — it does not impose any charge itself. It creates a mechanism through which the NPCI-headed UPI and Services Steering Committee can later decide whether an MDR should apply and to what. No such decision has been finalised. Consumers, including all peer-to-peer transfers and the vast majority of merchant payments, remain untouched. Any future MDR is expected to target a narrow band: merchants above roughly Rs 1-1.5 crore annual turnover, on transactions above Rs 2,000, at 0.05-0.07 per cent — a fraction of the 1.8 per cent long charged on card payments. The framework is structured to leave close to 90 per cent of UPI-accepting merchants, mostly small and micro-businesses, outside it entirely. Industry Push The economics behind the push are straightforward. UPI processed 2,366 crore transactions worth nearly Rs 30 lakh crore in July alone and now accounts for 60-65 per cent of the volume flowing through payment aggregators. Under zero MDR, all of that volume generates no direct transaction revenue. This turns what should be a revenue line into a cost centre for the companies actually running the rail. Government incentive schemes meant to offset this haven't kept pace. The RuPay/BHIM incentive outlay fell from Rs 3,631 crore in FY24 to Rs 437 crore in FY26 before being revised up after industry pushback. Meanwhile, transaction volumes jumped from 17,220 crore in 2024 to 22,830 crore in 2025. Industry estimates put the annual cost of processing merchant transactions alone at Rs 4,000-5,000 crore. That cost is currently absorbed by banks and aggregators, with no mechanism to recover it. The Payments Council of India has backed the change on these grounds, arguing that sustained investment in infrastructure, cybersecurity and fraud prevention needs a funding mechanism to survive at this scale. The Key Question This is where the debate sharpens. The RBI Governor observed, just before the bill passed, that consumers ultimately bear such costs "in some way or another". This would not be a visible fee but through pricing that businesses adjust over time. That's a structurally different claim from "consumers won't be charged". Both can be true at once: no one sees a UPI fee on their app, while merchants who pay MDR gradually build it into prices, as most costs eventually are. A Local Circles survey of over 45,000 respondents across 322 districts found that 53 per cent would consider moving away from UPI for transactions above Rs 3,000 if MDR applied to large merchants. Of these, 27 per cent would move towards credit cards, 14 per cent towards debit cards, and 12 per cent towards cash or bank transfers. That doesn't mean half of India's UPI users are about to switch. It does mean payment behaviour often responds to the perception of a cost, not its actual, often negligible size. That is why regulators may need to be explicit about keeping any future MDR invisible at the point of sale, rather than allowing it to surface as a checkout surcharge. Who Gains Enterprise-focused payment aggregators and banks stand to benefit most directly, finally earning revenue on volume they currently process for free. Smaller technology-led players may also find it easier to compete in a market no longer weighted towards zero-revenue transactions. Notably, the big consumer apps PhonePe, Google Pay and Paytm aren't expected to be primary beneficiaries, since they already monetise elsewhere in their business. Any MDR revenue would likely flow to banks and aggregators rather than reshape how these apps make money. For Users Nothing changes today. Peer-to-peer transfers and the overwhelming majority of merchant payments stay free, and that isn't in dispute. What exists now is only the legal door for a narrowly scoped fee to be introduced later on a specific slice of larger merchant transactions. That decision sits with NPCI's committee, not this bill. The more useful thing to watch isn't whether UPI is "ending" as a free system. Every clarification so far says it isn't. The question is whether, once a fee is eventually finalised, its cost stays confined to the merchant side. Or does it find its way, gradually and indirectly, into the price of the things UPI is used to pay for? (The writer is an IT professional based in Thane. Views personal.)

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Why is Mamata Seeing Ghost of Bangladesh?

Mamata is seeing a ghost of Bangladesh behind the massive outrage and waves of protest over rape and murder of the trainee doctor. And the reasons are many.

It’s been over a fortnight. Yet with each passing day the voice of protest is getting louder and stronger. From the streets of Kolkata it’s pouring into roads of hinterland. The cry for justice for a rape victim has consolidated into a wail of demands to set a lot of wrongdoings right. Here in lies the fear and trepidation. Wasn’t the issue that brought the youth of Bangladesh out on the thoroughfares a simple, innocent one of quota reform?

The chief minister of Bengal, known for understanding the pulse of people better than many, was quick to read the signages floating in the political horizon.

The most obvious reason for her to be tensed is that both the regime change in Bangladesh and the mass protest in Bengal, were student-driven to begin with. The two incidents---end of 15 year old Sheikh Hasina government and turbulence in West Bengal, over the heinous crime, falling back to back, the first on August 5th and the latter from August 9th onwards, give natural scope for comparisons. More so, because in both the cases the movement strayed beyond an affected constituency to include aggrieved people at large, cutting across socio-economic demography. If the quota reform protest started by students in Bangladesh became a mass uprising against an autocratic regime, the campaign demanding justice for the rape victim and overall safety and security of women in Mamata Banerjee’s Bengal soon snowballed into a movement of no-confidence against the government. Slogans--”Mamata must resign” also got floated in social media much in line with the call for ouster of Sheikh Hasina. In fact “Resignation of Hasina” became the single point agenda into which all other fringe demands coalesced.

Incidentally, even before people started drawing parallels, that there could be a thread of commonality in the way the upheaval in Bangladesh and Bengal played out, Mamata was quick to point out that the Opposition were trying to pull off a Bangladesh by politicizing the tragic incident: “A coordinated approach has been executed by the BJP and the CPIM with support from the Centre to defame Bengal and exploit the situation....They want to make a Bangladesh here. They are taking cues from student unrest in Bangladesh and are attempting to capture similarly. I have no longing for the chair. I came here to serve people.”

Not only Mamata, her political lieutenants are consistently equating the turmoil in Bengal with the mayhem in Bangladesh. Cabinet minister for North Bengal development Udayan Guha threatened to take stern action against those, who would be trying to exploit the situation by emulating a Bangladesh like movement. “ Even after the hospital was vandalised, the police did not open fire on anyone. The police will not allow a Bangladesh type situation. We will not allow Bengal to turn into Bangladesh, Guha thundered.

Is the government’s fear unfounded?

Apart from the similarities on ground zero, as to how and where the future course of events are heading to, there are ample reasons for Bengal to mull on-- as to what led to a Bangladesh like boiling point. To begin with, it’ll be appropriate to talk of Bangladesh and the prevailing situation, that made the students’ protest become big in magnitude. The students were out on the streets because of a high reservation in public jobs. Unemployment and stagnant job market in private sector coupled with a high rate of inflation drove the educated youth to rebel against the government.

But soon the students found enormous number of sympathisers, who were equally at the receiving end. According to Bangladesh citizens, the last two terms of the Sheikh Hasina government were a mockery of democracy. Even elections would be compromised. As Hasina grew from strength to strength, she politicized institutions. The rank and file of police owed allegiance to the ruling dispensation. Extortion, harrassment and raids by police and people in power became rampant. An atmosphere of fear and repression reigned and people got restless to overthrow the government.

Politicization of institutions has been happening in Mamata government too. Allegations are quite strong that police in Bengal functions at the beck and call of political bosses. The lapses and alleged loopholes on the part of police in handling the rape and murder of the young doctor have yet again revealed a sense of confused or misplaced loyalty.

But above everything else both Hasina and Mamata governments allegedly seem to have twined in accepting corruption as a way of life. In Bangladesh jobs of primary and secondary teachers got sold at premium, Rs 10-12 lakh in the Hasina regime. Even police had to pay up for prized postings and transfers. In Bengal busting of the teacher’s recruitment scam has revealed how unsuccessful and ineligible candidates got government jobs in schools in exchange of bribes.

Similarities are multiple and inescapable. Mamata has good reasons to be apprehensive. It’s not only she, who can see and connect the dots. People, out on the streets, clamoring for justice, can see a providential pattern somewhere in the unfolding of future events in these two places-- Bangladesh and Bengal. True, they share more than 2,217 odd km of border. They share the same umbilical cord, other than language, culture, ethos, icons. Even emotions are the same. So she cannot take any risk.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Kolkata. Views personal)

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