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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Between illegal migration and the promise of development

New Delhi: Assam's 2026 election reflects a fierce contest over identity, illegal migration, and development, where youth sentiment, tribal rights, border anxieties, and welfare politics converge to redefine the state's-and Northeast India's-political future.   Over the past decade, Assam's politics has undergone a transformation of remarkable intensity. This shift is not merely a story of power struggles or the thrill of electoral victories and defeats; rather, it reflects a deeper internal...

Between illegal migration and the promise of development

New Delhi: Assam's 2026 election reflects a fierce contest over identity, illegal migration, and development, where youth sentiment, tribal rights, border anxieties, and welfare politics converge to redefine the state's-and Northeast India's-political future.   Over the past decade, Assam's politics has undergone a transformation of remarkable intensity. This shift is not merely a story of power struggles or the thrill of electoral victories and defeats; rather, it reflects a deeper internal conflict within the state, one caught at the intersection of identity, demography, land, and development. What emerges is a portrait of a society negotiating competing anxieties and aspirations, where political change mirrors a broader search for equilibrium. Congress seeks to craft a broader social coalition built around the "shared concerns" of tribal.   In the current electoral landscape, an unexpected emotional issue has also surfaced, the reported death of popular singer Jubin Garg. This development has triggered a strong reaction, particularly among young people. The surge of sentiment on social media, marked by calls for justice and visible public outrage, suggests that if this issue sustains its presence in the campaign discourse, it could significantly influence youth voting behavior.   Another crucial dimension of identity politics is the demand to grant Scheduled Tribe status to six indigenous communities. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had made this promise in the previous election, but it remains unfulfilled. The opposition has framed this as a case of electoral betrayal, while the BJP has cited administrative and constitutional complexities as the reason for the delay. The issue continues to carry both symbolic and electoral weight.   Political Narratives This election is not merely about the arithmetic of seats; it is equally about the reconfiguration of alliances and the reconstruction of political narratives. The Congress has distanced itself from the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) and formed a new platform, the "Assam Sonmilito Morcha," which includes regional players such as the Assam Jatiya Parishad. In the previous election, the alliance with AIUDF helped Congress consolidate Muslim votes, but it also enabled the BJP to polarize Hindu voters more effectively. This time, Congress appears to be attempting to move beyond that image, seeking to craft a broader social coalition built around the "shared concerns" of tribal, Assamese, and other communities.   On the other hand, the BJP's strategy also reflects notable recalibration. Its cautious approach to seat-sharing with the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and its focused attention on 15 seats in the Bodoland Territorial Region illustrate this shift. In this region, the BJP has allied with the Bodoland People's Front (BPF), with BPF contesting 11 seats and the BJP 4. In the previous election, BPF had aligned with Congress; however, its resurgence in the Bodoland Territorial Council elections has altered the political equations. This shift is significant, as the Bodoland Territorial Region remains central to Assam's evolving geopolitical balance, making it a decisive arena in the state's new political calculus.   Central Issue In this election, the question of "illegal immigrants" has once again emerged as a central and polarising issue. In Assam, concerns around undocumented migration, particularly involving those alleged to have entered from Bangladesh, have long shaped political discourse. Recent statements by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma referring to "Miya Muslims," along with large-scale eviction drives targeting what the government describes as illegal encroachments, have further intensified the debate. The state claims to have cleared thousands of acres of government land, framing these actions as necessary for restoring law, order, and enabling development.   The opposition, however, views these measures through a different lens, arguing that they deepen social divisions and disproportionately target specific communities. At the same time, proponents within the state's ruling establishment contend that without addressing illegal land occupation and demographic imbalances, "balanced development" remains unattainable. This assertion is being challenged by the Congress and other opposition parties, who invoke constitutional protections and the need for social harmony.   The impact of eviction and "de-bonding" drives has been particularly visible in sensitive border belts, often referred to as the "Chicken Neck" villages. In these fragile frontier regions, communities such as small farmers, tea garden workers, and borderland populations find themselves in a state of uncertainty, grappling with questions of security and identity. Here, electoral politics is often caught between two competing narratives: resistance to illegal immigration and the urgent demand for local livelihoods.   Direct Inducement On the development front, the ruling BJP is foregrounding its governance record, with the Orunodoi (Arunodoy) scheme as a centerpiece. Just ahead of the elections, under its third phase, direct financial assistance of Rs 9,000 was transferred to nearly four million women beneficiaries, amounting to an outlay of approximately Rs 3,600 crore. Beyond its welfare dimension, the scheme is also widely seen as a calibrated political strategy aimed at consolidating women voters, a demographic that is nearly equal in size to male voters in Assam and, in several regions, exhibits higher turnout rates.   The opposition has sharply criticised the scheme, describing it as a form of "direct electoral inducement." In its "People's Chargesheet," the Congress has leveled serious allegations against the government, including corruption, the prevalence of a "syndicate raj," the transfer of land to corporate interests, and misuse of administrative machinery. According to opposition claims, a structured network influences the allocation of contracts and resources, adversely affecting small businesses, tea garden workers, and ordinary citizens. Alongside these concerns, broader issues such as unemployment, inflation, and growing social discontent have also become integral to the electoral narrative.   While the BJP highlights its administrative assertiveness, such as crackdowns on child marriage and measures aimed at curbing polygamy, as key achievements, the opposition dismisses these as selective interventions, arguing that they divert attention from deeper economic challenges.   Ultimately, the Assam Assembly election of 2026 is not merely about a change in power; it represents a critical inflection point in the state's political trajectory. On one side, the BJP is seeking to legitimize its governance model by linking the issue of illegal immigration with development, security, and stability. On the other, the Congress is attempting to position itself as a viable alternative, emphasizing social balance, institutional politics, and renewed leadership.   For voters, the choice is stark: whether to endorse the promise of stability and continuity, or to pivot toward change. The results on May 4 will not only shape Assam's future but are also likely to influence the broader political direction of Northeast India.

WR serves closure orders to iconic Wheeler book stalls

Mumbai: In a move that has sparked both commercial and cultural concerns, the Western Railway (WR) has ordered at least 55 iconic AH Wheeler (AHW) stalls across its Mumbai Central Division to shut shop from March 31 and vacate their premises within 72 hours, sources said.


The directive follows the expiry of the five-year contract granted to these stalls from April 1, 2021. A notification issued on Saturday by Assistant Commercial Manager Yajush Acharya directed concerned station superintendents and station managers to ensure that all 55 Multi-Purpose Stalls are cleared and handed over in ‘good condition’ by April 3.


Citing norms in the order, it said contractors must remove all goods, fixtures and fittings, and settle pending dues, fines or bills before vacating.


Failing compliance, WR warned of consequences including takeover of the premises, locking them up, and even disposing of any remaining goods or furniture without liability.


Massive Uproar

However, the move has triggered resistance from Wheeler stall operators, many of whom have been running these stalls for decades. An agent managing a prominent stall at a south Mumbai station termed the decision ‘arbitrary’ and alleged that the Railways intended to repurpose these prime locations.


“We have challenged the move in the Bombay High Court and are awaiting an urgent hearing. Our plea is to grant us an extension. We suffered massive losses during the Covid-19 pandemic when suburban services were shut or restricted for months,” the agent told The Perfect Voice, requesting anonymity.


‘Knowledge Portals’

For lakhs of Mumbaikars, the bookstalls are more than just retail counters – they have been a part of the city’s daily rhythm. Generations of commuters recall grabbing a morning newspaper, a weekly magazine, or a last-minute novel to kill time during their travel.


Before the era of mobile telephony, these stalls served as ‘knowledge portals’ – stocking newspapers in multiple languages, magazines, periodicals, school-college guides, books to crack competitive exams, literary or fiction novels, and even children’s books and comics like Phantom, Indrajal, Amar Chitra Katha and more.


Old-timers recall how one could walk up to a Wheeler stall and ask for an obscure title, and the vendor would even go to the length of procuring it if he didn’t have it in the store. ‘If you couldn’t find a book anywhere in the city, try Wheelers - you were almost certain to get it,’ was the reputation the stalls enjoyed.


A retired banker-cum-bookworm, V. Nadkarni, told The Perfect Voice that in the 1970s, he would save a few rupees every month to buy his favourite novels from Wheeler stalls. Over the years, he built up a small home library of over 500 books, which he cherished after retirement a few years ago.


Wheeler cultivated on-the-move reading habit

Founded in 1877 at Allahabad (now Prayagraj) station by French entrepreneur Emile Eduoard Moreau, his British partner Arthur Henry Wheeler and others, the brand grew into a nationwide institution, once operating at over 500 railway stations.

During the British era, it stocked works by top leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, alongside literary giants such as Rudyard Kipling. Wheeler shops also started the ‘Indian Railway Library Series’.

Post-Independence, the chain was taken over by one of its subsequent partners, TK Banerjee, in 1950, and the family continues to run the show.

Though Indian Railways ended Wheeler’s monopoly in 2004 and later allowed diversification of the goods they sold in 2020, the stalls retained their distinct identity as literary-cum-cultural hubs that helped cultivate a reading habit amid the hustle and bustle of rail travel.

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