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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

A Government on Leave

Infighting, indiscipline and administrative chaos in Congress-led Himachal Pradesh expose a state teetering on the brink of collapse.

Himachal Pradesh
Himachal Pradesh

In Himachal Pradesh, governance seems to have taken a long vacation. Over the past week, the Congress-led state government has made headlines for the spectacular implosion within its bureaucracy and police forces. The sudden forced leave of the state’s police chief, the additional chief secretary (home) and the Shimla superintendent of police amid a high-profile death investigation is a sign that no one, including the Chief Minister, is in charge any longer.


The death of Vimal Negi, a senior engineer whose body was found in Gobind Sagar Lake, spiralled into an open turf war within the top echelons of the state’s police and administrative services. The spectacle would be almost comical were it not so tragic: a superintendent publicly attacking his superiors in a press conference; a police chief undercutting his own force in a court affidavit; an additional chief secretary bypassing the advocate general’s office. Each of these actions alone would be considered insubordinate. Taken together, they point to an executive that has lost all semblance of control.


Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu, whose image as a strong administrator has been fraying for months, appears now merely to be reacting to crises. His decision to send all three officials on leave was presented as a firm exercise of authority. In reality, it is the bureaucratic equivalent of switching off the lights and hoping no one notices the fire. The real embarrassment here is that the government let it fester until it became a judicial and political embarrassment. The order to the officials to “proceed on leave” came only after the state high court intervened and handed over the case to the Central Bureau of Investigation.


The state’s response reeks of panic rather than purpose. The mass reassignment of portfolios and the temporary elevation of vigilance officers to key posts might keep the machinery running, but it won’t restore credibility.


The Congress, reeling from electoral setbacks nationally, should be particularly alarmed. Himachal Pradesh was one of the few states where the party could still claim a toehold. But Sukhu’s tenure has been marred by crises of both confidence and competence. Earlier this year, a bitter intra-party revolt had reduced his government to a minority for several precarious weeks. Now, administrative anarchy has overtaken political instability.


The Vimal Negi case, in which crucial evidence in the form of a pen drive was allegedly deleted from the record, has become emblematic of this dysfunction. For a grieving family and a concerned public, the only solace has come from the court-ordered handover to the CBI, which is in fact a damning vote of no-confidence in the state’s own investigative capacity.


Chief Minister Sukhu’s defenders argue that cracking the whip on senior officials shows his intolerance for indiscipline. But discipline without direction is meaningless. Leadership is not demonstrated by belated punishment but by the ability to prevent implosion in the first place. And when the most senior civil servants and law enforcers in a state resort to airing grievances in public and undermining each other in court, the problem lies not just in the ranks, but at the very top.


As the Congress high command surveys the wreckage in Shimla, it should ask itself a simple question: can it afford to let this farce continue? If Sukhu cannot command respect within his own administration, he cannot be expected to govern the state. If his appointees are not up to the task, they must be replaced and not reshuffled. And if the party continues to treat Himachal Pradesh as an afterthought, it will lose the state not to the BJP’s strength, but to its own misrule.


In the hill state of Himachal, the snowball of administrative dysfunction has turned into an avalanche. It is now up to the Congress to decide whether it wants to dig itself out or be buried under it.

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