top of page

By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

A Grand Gamble

The Mahagathbandhan gears up to take on Narendra Modi’s juggernaut in Bihar, but unity may prove more elusive than slogans suggest.

Bihar
Bihar

Ringing in Bihar’s election season, the Mahagathbandhan (or ‘Grand Alliance’) has plunged into a frenzy of activity. Opposition leaders are crisscrossing Patna and beyond, holding strategic meetings to rally the ranks and craft a credible challenge to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its regional ally, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and his Janata Dal (United). Yet beneath the surface of photo opportunities and declarations of unity, cracks are already beginning to show, and time may not be on the alliance’s side.


The immediate goal of this week’s gatherings is to steal some of the spotlight from Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is set to visit Madhubani on Thursday. Over two days, the alliance’s key figures, including Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Tejashwi Yadav, Congress leaders, and leftist parties, will deliberate on a common programme and attempt to project an image of cohesion. It is an image that the Mahagathbandhan desperately needs to project if it hopes to mount a serious challenge.


At the last such meeting, Yadav was appointed coordinator for the alliance’s activities in a symbolic, if not uncontested, endorsement of his leadership. The idea, insiders said, was to ensure that the campaign would not degenerate into a personality clash between Tejashwi and the NDA, but rather be seen as a broad coalition effort. Even so, the underlying tensions were apparent: while RJD veterans speak confidently of Tejashwi as the face of the coalition, Congress leaders are markedly less enthusiastic.


The Congress, never an easy partner, is demanding clarity on seat-sharing at the earliest – a demand echoed by the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist). In private, Congress functionaries fret that the RJD will attempt to corner the lion’s share of the constituencies by invoking its voter base among Yadavs and other Other Backward Classes (OBCs).


In 2020, Congress contested 70 seats, only to suffer a drubbing, winning just 19. This time, party bosses, including national president Mallikarjun Kharge and Rahul Gandhi, are pressing for an equal or higher share, emboldened by internal calculations that the BJP’s alliance with Nitish Kumar has weakened its hold on Bihar.


While Kumar, once hailed as ‘Sushasan Babu’ (Mr. Good Governance), is indeed a diminished figure, the BJP’s formidable election machinery remains a daunting force.


Meanwhile, the Mahagathbandhan’s internal messaging remains muddled. In public, senior Congress figures in Bihar, like Akhilesh Prasad Singh, declare Tejashwi Yadav the undisputed chief ministerial face. In the same breath, others, like Bihar Congress in-charge Krishna Allavaru, insist that no final decision has been made. The RJD sees Tejashwi’s projection as crucial for energising the youth and OBC vote base that it traditionally banks on.


Adding to the confusion is the lack of a coherent narrative. Leaders like Mukesh Sahni of the Vikassheel Insaan Party and Kunal of the CPI(ML) speak passionately about unemployment, migration and Bihar’s chronic underdevelopment. But these issues risk being drowned out in an election season dominated by caste calculations and political intrigue. Worse, the Opposition’s critique of the NDA government sounds hollow unless accompanied by fresh solutions.


The Mahagathbandhan’s great advantage is its caste arithmetic. With the RJD commanding Yadav-Muslim votes, the Congress tapping into upper-caste minorities, and the Left and regional parties courting Dalits and other OBC groups, the alliance has the theoretical numbers to challenge the NDA. The risk, however, is that the alliance’s heavy dependence on caste groups may alienate younger voters, who yearn for economic opportunity rather than symbolic representation.


If the Mahagathbandhan fails to sort out its leadership questions and seat-sharing headaches before campaigning begins in earnest, it will once again find itself outgunned, outspent and outmanoeuvred.


For now, Bihar’s Grand Alliance is betting that common cause against PM Modi and Nitish Kumar will be enough to keep its squabbling partners tethered together. History, however, suggests otherwise. In Indian politics, unity forged in opposition often shatters under the strain of ambition.

Recent Posts

See All

Comments

bottom of page