top of page

By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

A Level Playing Field in Kashmir

Jammu & Kashmir’s march into the Ranji Trophy final sends a larger message beyond sport. It says that after decades, the state is finally aligning with India’s political and civic mainstream.

History has a habit of announcing itself in strange ways. In Jammu & Kashmir, it now announces itself by wearing cricket whites. As the once-turbulent state plays its first Ranji Trophy final in 67 years against Karnataka in Hubballi, the moment matters far more than a mere sporting miracle.


It was incredible (one would have thought unimaginable until recently) to see J&K piling up 527 for six in a Ranji final while dictating terms to eight-time champions Karnataka.  


Jammu & Kashmir’s arrival at the summit of Indian domestic cricket is not just an underdog fairy-tale but a marker of political normalisation in a region long defined by terrorism and scarred by violence.


Troubled State

That marginality was not accidental. From the moment of accession in 1947, Jammu & Kashmir has occupied a liminal constitutional space. Article 370 institutionalised the difference between the state and the rest of the country with separate laws, a separate flag, and limited applicability of parliamentary legislation for J & K. In New Delhi, the move was defended as ‘accommodation.’ In Srinagar, it became both shield and grievance. Over time, special status hardened into political stasis as power rotated among a few families. Militancy, once it erupted in the late 1980s, thrived in this vacuum as political instability and insurgency became the norm. A heavy security footprint ensured that ‘integration’ in J & K remained relegated to slogans rather than substance. Sport barely survived as talent drained outward.


Auqib Nabi’s journey captures that old reality and its quiet reversal. In 2018–19, Nabi, a fast bowler from Baramulla, found himself in Bengaluru, relying on a friend in Kuwait to secure a second-division club contract. Eight years on, he is the most prolific wicket-taker in Indian domestic cricket across the last two seasons, with 55 wickets in the current Ranji campaign alone. At the IPL auction, Delhi paid Rs. 8.4 crore for him.


Nabi’s rise mirrors that of his team. Jammu & Kashmir are no longer petitioners at Indian cricket’s door. They are its strongest contenders. And that shift has unfolded alongside a far more contentious political transformation.


The abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019 during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s second term was the most radical assertion of Indian sovereignty over the region since accession. It ended J&K’s special status, split the state into two Union Territories, and placed governance firmly under New Delhi’s supervision. Critics of the Modi government’s decision to abrogate Article 370 predicted catastrophe. The Congress and the so-called left-liberal ecosystem warned of irreversible alienation, democratic asphyxiation and an endless insurgency that would render Jammu & Kashmir ungovernable.


Six years on, none of those apocalyptic forecasts have materialised. While militancy has not disappeared, it certainly has mutated to a much smaller scale than before.


Markets in J & K function without habitual shutdowns and tourism has rebounded to record levels, sustaining thousands of livelihoods once hostage to unrest. Young Kashmiris speak less of resistance and more of careers.


While the Pahalgam massacre last year was a grim reminder that Pakistan-backed groups retain the capacity to shock, equally important is what did not happen after Pahalgam. There was no prolonged paralysis of governance and no prolonged shutdown of civic life. Tourism slowed briefly but then resumed. And institutions no longer buckled down under political pressures as in the past.


Cricket’s quiet flourishing is the best evidence of violence losing its veto over normal life in the state.


By the time the insurgency had peaked in the 1990s, normal civic life in the state had collapsed under the shadow of terrorism. Cricket survived only in fragments. While Jammu & Kashmir had entered the Ranji Trophy in 1959, for decades participation felt symbolic rather than competitive.


Momentous Turnaround

When ex-cricketer Ajay Sharma, who has a formidable domestic record, took charge of the Jammu & Kashmir team in 2022, he encountered a culture shaped by limitation. Players spoke of IPL trials as endpoints. Being a net bowler was an achievement. Sharma has essayed a big role in changing the mindset of the players.


His patience and efforts has paid dividends. Auqib Nabi’s journey, from second-division obscurity in Bengaluru to India’s most prolific domestic bowler, has become emblematic of the shift in aspirations of the state’s players. So has Abdul Samad’s recalibration from IPL-first bravado to first-class discipline. After stunning Mumbai away in 2024–25, the J & K cricket association built its first red-soil pitch at the Sher-i-Kashmir Stadium, consciously aligning preparation standards with the rest of India.


The result is that today, J&K’s run to the final has drawn support from all across the country not as sympathy or charity of emotion, but as genuine admiration. Neutrals cheer them not because they are from a conflict zone, but because they have beaten Delhi in Delhi, Madhya Pradesh in Indore and Bengal in Kalyani.


That mirrors India’s evolving political posture towards the region as well. The Centre no longer sells integration as an emotional project of unity, but as a ‘procedural one where same laws, same institutions, same expectations.


One of the central critiques of Article 370 was that it fostered a politics of grievance without accountability. Since its removal, governance has become more uniform. That has sharpened incentives in the state as institutions are now measured on how they perform.


Social Change

This political transformation is reflected rather clearly in its social avatar, namely cricket. And the Ranji Trophy is particularly apt in this regard. It is India’s least glamorous but most levelling sporting institution.


More subtly still, it captures a change in aspiration. For much of the insurgency era, Kashmiri youth were asked to define themselves politically. Today, an increasing number define themselves competitively. This is getting reflected in cricket, where J & K’s cricketers are defining themselves by their hunger for runs scored and wickets taken. This transition from grievance to ambition may yet prove the most enduring legacy of Jammu & Kashmir’s uneasy, unfinished integration.


This is not to say that Jammu & Kashmir’s presence in the Ranji Trophy final is proof that all of the region’s knotty problems have been solved. But it certainly is evidence that Jammu & Kashmir’s alignment with India today runs through laws, institutions and yes, cricket.


Which is why the sight of the state contesting the Ranji Trophy final in Hubballi feels quietly momentous. In many ways, it reveals how far the idea of ‘normalisation’ of J & K which was long promised but rarely delivered, has actually travelled. 


Comments


bottom of page