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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

‘Tiger’ backs ‘Cockroach’

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena (UBT) became the first political party to openly support the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) launched by a Maharashtra youth Abhijeet Dipke who launched a huge protest in New Delhi on Saturday. In a strong statement, SS (UBT) President and ex-CM Uddhav Thackeray threw his weight behind the CJP as thousands of youngsters hit the streets of New Delhi in the scorching sun, not for politics but for their future. “Those whom we call the architects of the nation's future have come...

‘Tiger’ backs ‘Cockroach’

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena (UBT) became the first political party to openly support the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) launched by a Maharashtra youth Abhijeet Dipke who launched a huge protest in New Delhi on Saturday. In a strong statement, SS (UBT) President and ex-CM Uddhav Thackeray threw his weight behind the CJP as thousands of youngsters hit the streets of New Delhi in the scorching sun, not for politics but for their future. “Those whom we call the architects of the nation's future have come out carrying their pain, frustration and anxiety about their future. It is wrong to ridicule them as ‘cockroaches’ and deny them justice,” said the SS (UBT) Tiger. Thackeray said the recent NEET paper leak scandal had shattered the dreams of lakhs of students and their families, raising questions in the minds of youngsters whether merit still matters – as the movement which started on social media has spilled onto the streets across the country. “All these aggrieved young men and women are now raising their voices by becoming ‘cockroaches’. The government must listen to their demands. Do not underestimate the ‘cockroaches’ – this is the warning given by the agitation (today) at Jantar Mantar,” said Thackeray sharply. The SS (UBT)’s supportive stance came against the backdrop of mounting anger among students over the alleged irregularities in major public examinations like NEET, CBSE, CUET, and recruitment processes, which has shaken confidence in the country's education system. The Protest Around dawn, Dipke, 30 – who launched the online movement three weeks ago from the USA – reached India as thousands of supporters waited patiently and peacefully near the Parliament Street Police Station. Many waved the National Tricolour, copies of the Constitution or books of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, others carried flowers which they offered to the 1000-plus alert security personnel deployed there, and several sported symbolic cockroach masks. In a brief address, Dipke accused the government of focusing more on the CJP’s online presence than on the serious issues raised by the students. “You may be able to delete our posts, but you cannot erase us from this space,” he roared, amid loud cheers and thundering applause from the crowd. He said there must be accountability in the form of the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, failing which the CJP will continue its protests in New Delhi and also other parts of India. Anticipating detention after his homecoming, Dipke: “I was fully prepared to sacrifice my freedom for this cause.” In a warm gesture, environmental activist Sonam Wangchuk arrived from Ladakh to join the protest, declared himself as an ‘Honorary cockroach’ and expressed solidarity with Dipke. “People ask what is achieved through protests, sit-ins and marches. It proves that we are alive. The government may treat us like insects, but we are alive and capable of fighting for our rights,” mocked the CJP in a social media statement The CJP volunteers repeatedly urged the protestors to maintain decorum and make their impact in a democratic manner, which the crowds adhered to, but raised full-throated slogans intermittently, even as the protest ended without any untoward incidents. Incidentally, the Delhi Police granted permission for the demonstrations by allowing the crowds to gather directly at Jantar Mantar grounds as a ‘one-time exemption’. Demonstrations expressing solidarity to the cause were held in different parts of the country while tight security was deployed outside Dipke’s home in Chhatrapati Sambhajinar. Why are students forced to agitate?: Aaditya Thackeray Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aditya Thackeray said why the students are being compelled to agitate when they should be planning out academic future and career options. “The young students exposed the NEET leak scam, or the CBSE marks scandal. The minister should have resigned or should have been sacked, some officials have been transferred but not suspended. The government should be ashamed of the situation,” said Aditya.

A Level Playing Field in Kashmir

Jammu & Kashmir’s march into the Ranji Trophy final sends a larger message beyond sport. It says that after decades, the state is finally aligning with India’s political and civic mainstream.

History has a habit of announcing itself in strange ways. In Jammu & Kashmir, it now announces itself by wearing cricket whites. As the once-turbulent state plays its first Ranji Trophy final in 67 years against Karnataka in Hubballi, the moment matters far more than a mere sporting miracle.


It was incredible (one would have thought unimaginable until recently) to see J&K piling up 527 for six in a Ranji final while dictating terms to eight-time champions Karnataka.  


Jammu & Kashmir’s arrival at the summit of Indian domestic cricket is not just an underdog fairy-tale but a marker of political normalisation in a region long defined by terrorism and scarred by violence.


Troubled State

That marginality was not accidental. From the moment of accession in 1947, Jammu & Kashmir has occupied a liminal constitutional space. Article 370 institutionalised the difference between the state and the rest of the country with separate laws, a separate flag, and limited applicability of parliamentary legislation for J & K. In New Delhi, the move was defended as ‘accommodation.’ In Srinagar, it became both shield and grievance. Over time, special status hardened into political stasis as power rotated among a few families. Militancy, once it erupted in the late 1980s, thrived in this vacuum as political instability and insurgency became the norm. A heavy security footprint ensured that ‘integration’ in J & K remained relegated to slogans rather than substance. Sport barely survived as talent drained outward.


Auqib Nabi’s journey captures that old reality and its quiet reversal. In 2018–19, Nabi, a fast bowler from Baramulla, found himself in Bengaluru, relying on a friend in Kuwait to secure a second-division club contract. Eight years on, he is the most prolific wicket-taker in Indian domestic cricket across the last two seasons, with 55 wickets in the current Ranji campaign alone. At the IPL auction, Delhi paid Rs. 8.4 crore for him.


Nabi’s rise mirrors that of his team. Jammu & Kashmir are no longer petitioners at Indian cricket’s door. They are its strongest contenders. And that shift has unfolded alongside a far more contentious political transformation.


The abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019 during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s second term was the most radical assertion of Indian sovereignty over the region since accession. It ended J&K’s special status, split the state into two Union Territories, and placed governance firmly under New Delhi’s supervision. Critics of the Modi government’s decision to abrogate Article 370 predicted catastrophe. The Congress and the so-called left-liberal ecosystem warned of irreversible alienation, democratic asphyxiation and an endless insurgency that would render Jammu & Kashmir ungovernable.


Six years on, none of those apocalyptic forecasts have materialised. While militancy has not disappeared, it certainly has mutated to a much smaller scale than before.


Markets in J & K function without habitual shutdowns and tourism has rebounded to record levels, sustaining thousands of livelihoods once hostage to unrest. Young Kashmiris speak less of resistance and more of careers.


While the Pahalgam massacre last year was a grim reminder that Pakistan-backed groups retain the capacity to shock, equally important is what did not happen after Pahalgam. There was no prolonged paralysis of governance and no prolonged shutdown of civic life. Tourism slowed briefly but then resumed. And institutions no longer buckled down under political pressures as in the past.


Cricket’s quiet flourishing is the best evidence of violence losing its veto over normal life in the state.


By the time the insurgency had peaked in the 1990s, normal civic life in the state had collapsed under the shadow of terrorism. Cricket survived only in fragments. While Jammu & Kashmir had entered the Ranji Trophy in 1959, for decades participation felt symbolic rather than competitive.


Momentous Turnaround

When ex-cricketer Ajay Sharma, who has a formidable domestic record, took charge of the Jammu & Kashmir team in 2022, he encountered a culture shaped by limitation. Players spoke of IPL trials as endpoints. Being a net bowler was an achievement. Sharma has essayed a big role in changing the mindset of the players.


His patience and efforts has paid dividends. Auqib Nabi’s journey, from second-division obscurity in Bengaluru to India’s most prolific domestic bowler, has become emblematic of the shift in aspirations of the state’s players. So has Abdul Samad’s recalibration from IPL-first bravado to first-class discipline. After stunning Mumbai away in 2024–25, the J & K cricket association built its first red-soil pitch at the Sher-i-Kashmir Stadium, consciously aligning preparation standards with the rest of India.


The result is that today, J&K’s run to the final has drawn support from all across the country not as sympathy or charity of emotion, but as genuine admiration. Neutrals cheer them not because they are from a conflict zone, but because they have beaten Delhi in Delhi, Madhya Pradesh in Indore and Bengal in Kalyani.


That mirrors India’s evolving political posture towards the region as well. The Centre no longer sells integration as an emotional project of unity, but as a ‘procedural one where same laws, same institutions, same expectations.


One of the central critiques of Article 370 was that it fostered a politics of grievance without accountability. Since its removal, governance has become more uniform. That has sharpened incentives in the state as institutions are now measured on how they perform.


Social Change

This political transformation is reflected rather clearly in its social avatar, namely cricket. And the Ranji Trophy is particularly apt in this regard. It is India’s least glamorous but most levelling sporting institution.


More subtly still, it captures a change in aspiration. For much of the insurgency era, Kashmiri youth were asked to define themselves politically. Today, an increasing number define themselves competitively. This is getting reflected in cricket, where J & K’s cricketers are defining themselves by their hunger for runs scored and wickets taken. This transition from grievance to ambition may yet prove the most enduring legacy of Jammu & Kashmir’s uneasy, unfinished integration.


This is not to say that Jammu & Kashmir’s presence in the Ranji Trophy final is proof that all of the region’s knotty problems have been solved. But it certainly is evidence that Jammu & Kashmir’s alignment with India today runs through laws, institutions and yes, cricket.


Which is why the sight of the state contesting the Ranji Trophy final in Hubballi feels quietly momentous. In many ways, it reveals how far the idea of ‘normalisation’ of J & K which was long promised but rarely delivered, has actually travelled. 


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