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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several...

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several questions. While replying to one of the questions, he remarked, “If Swatantraveer Savarkar is given the Bharat Ratna, the prestige of the Bharat Ratna itself will increase.” He was asked, why there has been a delay in conferring the Bharat Ratna on Savarkar, in reply to which, Bhagwat said, “I am not part of that committee. But if I meet someone, I will ask. Even without that honour, he rules the hearts of millions of people.” he added. Social Divisions Bhagwat replied to questions that were clubbed in 14 different groups ranging from national security to environment, social harmony, youth, arts and sports. Whenever the questions suggested or expressed expectations that the RSS should do certain things, Bhagwat stressed on the involvement of the society and initiative from the society in resolving the problems. While addressing the critical issue of Uniform Civil Code, Bhagwat stated that the UCC should be framed by taking everyone into confidence and must not lead to social divisions. In the same way while replying to the question related to illegal migrants in the country, Bhagwat urged people to “detect and report” the “illegal infiltrators” to the police. He also urged people not to give them any employment and to be more “vigilant.” Backing SIR He highlighted that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has already revealed the “foreigners” living in the country. “The government has a lot to do regarding infiltration. They have to detect and deport. This wasn’t happening until now, but it has started little by little, and it will gradually increase. When the census or the SIR is conducted, many people come to light who are not citizens of this country; they are automatically excluded from the process,” he said. “But we can do one thing: we can work on detection. Their language gives them away. We should detect them and report them to the appropriate authorities. We should inform the police that we suspect these people are foreigners, and they should investigate and keep an eye on them, and we will also keep an eye on them. We will not give employment to any foreigner. If someone is from our country, we will give them employment, but not to foreigners. You should be a little more vigilant and aware,” he added. SC Chief Emphasising the inclusivity of the Sangh, he said that anyone can become ‘Sarsanghchalak’ (RSS chief), including the SC and STs, as the decision is solely dependent on the work that any individual put for the organisation. “Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra or Brahmin does not qualify for the Sarsanghchalak position (RSS Chief), a Hindu will become the one who works and is best available. A Hindu will become, and that can also be an SC or ST. Anyone can become it depends on the work. Today, if you see, all classes have representation in the Sangh. The decision is taken on the basis of one who works and is best available,” he said. He pointed out that when the RSS was founded, its work began in a Brahmin-dominated community and hence, most of its founders were Brahmins, which led to the organisation being labelled as a Brahmin outfit at the time. People always look for an organisation that has representatives from their community, he said. “If I were to choose a chief, I would go by the ‘best available candidate’ criterion. When I was appointed RSS chief, there were many best candidates, but they were not available. I was the one who could be relieved from duties and appointed,” he said. He said that to belong to the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe communities is not a disqualification, and neither is being a Brahmin a qualification to become the RSS chief. Ready to step down if Sangh asks for Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday said the Sangh had asked him to continue working despite his age, while stressing that he would step down from the post whenever the organisation directs him to do so. “There is no election to the post of RSS chief. Regional and divisional heads appoint the chief. Generally, it is said that after turning 75, one should work without holding any post,” Bhagwat said. “I have completed 75 years and informed the RSS, but the organisation asked me to continue working. Whenever the RSS asks me to step down, I will do so, but retirement from work will never happen,” he said.

A Rivalry That Refuses to Die

The long-running feud between Eknath Khadse and Girish Mahajan continues to divide North Maharashtra and their own parties.


Eknath Khadse
Eknath Khadse

In Maharashtra politics, few rivalries have lasted as long or become as personal as the one between Eknath Khadse and Girish Mahajan. Both are strong leaders from Jalgaon district, and their fight for political dominance has continued for over a decade.


This rivalry has seen public accusations, personal attacks, and even dragged in their families. It has gone far beyond party politics and become a full-blown personal and regional conflict.


Girish Mahajan
Girish Mahajan

How did it all begin and why does it still matter? Khadse started his political career with the BJP in the 1980s and quickly rose through the ranks. He was the MLA from Muktainagar, served as Leader of the Opposition between 2009 and 2014, and later became a powerful minister in the BJP-led government.


Many believed he was a strong contender to become the Chief Minister in 2014. But the party chose Devendra Fadnavis instead. This decision disappointed Khadse deeply. From that point on, he felt that the party leadership, especially Fadnavis and his close aide Girish Mahajan, was working to keep him away from power.


In 2016, Khadse resigned from the cabinet after being accused in a land deal controversy. Later, in the 2019 assembly elections, he was denied a party ticket. He directly blamed Fadnavis and Mahajan for pushing him out of the BJP’s core leadership.


In 2020, Khadse finally quit the BJP and joined Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), saying he was humiliated and sidelined. Many saw this as a big move, not just because he joined a rival party, but because it sent a strong message that he was no longer willing to stay silent.


There were talks later about Khadse returning to the BJP, but sources say Mahajan strongly opposed this move. So even though the BJP’s top leadership in Delhi may have been open to his return, Mahajan made sure it did not happen.


One big reason is geography. Both leaders come from Jalgaon in North Maharashtra. Khadse’s stronghold is Muktainagar, while Mahajan controls Jamner. Over the years, both have built large political networks in the region. As a result, they have often clashed over influence, party candidates and development funds.


When Khadse’s daughter-in-law, Raksha Khadse, won the Raver Lok Sabha seat and became a Union Minister in 2024, it was seen as a win for Khadse and a setback for Mahajan. Many felt that the BJP leadership was sending a message that Khadse’s family still mattered.


Later, the fight between the two leaders became even more public. Khadse accused Mahajan of being close to a woman IAS officer and claimed that even Union Home Minister Amit Shah had raised concerns before Mahajan became a minister again in 2024. These were serious accusations.


Mahajan hit back strongly. He said he was ready to resign or take a narco test if any of the charges were proven. He also warned that if he started speaking about Khadse, the latter would not be able to “show his face in society.”


Then came the honey-trap controversy. Khadse demanded a special investigation into Praful Lodha, a man allegedly close to Mahajan. Khadse claimed Lodha played a role in toppling the previous MVA government. Mahajan responded by showing photos of Lodha with other NCP and Shiv Sena leaders, including Khadse himself, to prove that Lodha met many politicians, not just him.


The feud got even more dramatic when Khadse’s son-in-law, Pranjal Khewalkar, was recently arrested during a police raid on a rave party in Pune. Drugs were found at the party. Khadse said that if his son-in-law was guilty, the law should take its course. Yet, he also warned that the arrest could be politically motivated.


Mahajan wasted no time in linking the incident back to Khadse. He reminded everyone that Khadse had once raised concerns about the growing drug problem in Jalgaon himself. Now, he said, the issue had reached Khadse’s own doorstep.


Several factors ensure that the Khadse–Mahajan rivalry refuses to fade. Both men hail from the same district and draw from the same voter base in North Maharashtra. Their grassroots supporters frequently clash, particularly during elections, turning local contests into proxy wars.


Khadse blames Mahajan, aided by Devendra Fadnavis, for sabotaging his rise within the BJP. Mahajan, for his part, dismisses Khadse as embittered, accusing him of nursing grudges and weaponizing personal grievances for political gain.


The media, ever eager for spectacle, amplifies every spat, whether a family member’s arrest or a pointed barb in a speech, ensuring that the feud remains in public view. The result is persistent factionalism within the BJP’s North Maharashtra unit, where leaders are often forced to take sides. Even Khadse’s current perch in the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) has not muted the discord; his combative style continues to unsettle allies and generate headlines.


Most importantly, voters are left wondering, is this really about public service, or is it just two powerful men fighting to settle personal scores?


As Maharashtra prepares for the next round of elections, both Khadse and Mahajan remain active and angry. Their rivalry could affect ticket distribution, campaign strategies, and even alliances. Neither side is ready to back down.


The story of Eknath Khadse and Girish Mahajan is no longer just a political rivalry. It is a personal battle that reflects deeper problems within Maharashtra politics and the power struggle that often overshadows public interest. Only time will tell if this bitter chapter will come to an end or drag on even longer.


(The Writer is a communication professional. Views Personal.)

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