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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

Administrative Sabotage

West Bengal’s voter-roll clean-up has exposed a government that treats electoral integrity not as a civic duty but as a political inconvenience.

West Bengal
West Bengal

A democracy’s health can often be measured not by how loudly its leaders invoke the ballot, but by how scrupulously they guard the machinery behind it. In West Bengal, that machinery is now grinding audibly. The Election Commission of India’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls has become a stress test of the Mamata Banerjee government’s commitment to clean elections. The results so far are damning.


Consider the numbers. Of the 4,600 micro-observers appointed by the ECI to supervise hearings on claims and objections, 778 failed to even attend a mandatory training session in Kolkata on December 24. These were not party cadres or political appointees, but Group A and Group B central government employees, drawn deliberately from outside the state’s political ecosystem, though posted within it, to act as neutral sentinels. Their collective absence was so brazen that the Commission was forced to issue show-cause notices, threatening disciplinary action and even suspension. For an exercise as procedurally modest as voter verification, such defiance is extraordinary. However, this seems to be familiar in Mamata Banerjee’s West Bengal.


The hearings will determine the fate of some 32 lakh ‘unmapped’ voters, citizens whose names, or whose parents’ names, did not appear in the 2002 SIR list as well as thousands more flagged for logical inconsistencies. The process is pure housekeeping.


Discrepancies in spelling, age or parentage are expected to be resolved while voters who miss a hearing are to get another chance. All documents are uploaded digitally. If anything, the process bends over backwards to err on the side of inclusion.


Yet it is precisely this insistence on procedure that seems to have unsettled the Trinamool Congress (TMC) government. From the outset, the party has alleged that micro-observers were being ‘imported’ from other states, a claim swiftly rebutted by the Chief Electoral Officer.


More telling is the quiet resistance on the ground. Micro-observers are meant to sit at 11 tables in each of the state’s 294 Assembly constituencies, alongside Booth Level Officers, supervisors and Electoral Registration Officers, examining enumeration forms and correcting errors. Their unexplained absence threatens to slow or derail the process.


The exclusion of Booth Level Agents (BLAs) - party representatives - from the hearings has further sharpened the confrontation. The ECI insists this is to “avoid unnecessary chaos” and ensure transparency, since all documents are uploaded and nothing can be hidden. That logic is sound. BLAs, unlike BLOs, are partisan actors who were already involved in collecting documents. But for the ruling TMC, accustomed to embedding itself at every stage of the electoral pipeline, even a modest reduction in visibility can feel like disenfranchisement.


Mamata Banerjee has long styled herself as a ‘defender’ of democracy against an ‘overbearing’ Centre. The reality offers a sobering contrast. West Bengal’s recent electoral history, from the uncontested panchayat polls of 2018 to post-poll violence in 2021, has left scars that no amount of populist flourish can disguise. The SIR exercise was an opportunity to restore some confidence: to show that the state would cooperate fully with an independent constitutional authority, even when it was inconvenient. Instead, it has chosen obstruction.

 

The same government that rails against alleged voter suppression elsewhere now appears uncomfortable with the idea of voters being properly mapped, verified and documented at home. The same party that claims to speak for the marginalised balks at a process designed to ensure that genuine electors are accurately recorded. Transparency, it seems, is welcome only when it is ornamental. When a state government allows or encourages a culture in which officials feel emboldened to skip training, ignore orders and test the Commission’s patience, it sends a corrosive message about the nature of democracy in West Bengal.


Banerjee and her government are being asked to tidy its rolls. Instead, they are untidying their reputation by such unseemly defiance.

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