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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

An Ominous Future

Updated: Mar 17, 2025


Bashar al-Assad

Three months after the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad, interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa has signed into law a document that, far from paving the way for democracy, cements Islamist rule for at least five years. If history is any guide, this interim phase may well usher in an era even more repressive than the dictatorship it replaced.


The constitutional declaration, which serves as Syria’s governing framework until a permanent constitution is drafted, enshrines Islamic jurisprudence as the main source of legislation rather than a main source - a significant shift that places Sharia at the heart of governance. The document mandates that the president must be Muslim and recognizes only the so-called ‘heavenly religions’ of Islam, Christianity and Judaism, effectively marginalizing long-persecuted minorities like the Druze and Yazidis. The drafters of the document claim it guarantees freedom of expression, women’s rights and judicial independence. But these promises ring hollow given that Syria’s new rulers are Islamists at their core.


For those who assumed Assad’s downfall would usher in a semblance of a ‘liberal’ democracy, this should be a moment of reckoning. Sensible voices had long warned that the Syrian rebellion was not a straightforward struggle between tyranny and democracy, but a complex, multi-factional war where Islamist groups were often the most powerful opposition forces. Now, with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an al-Qaeda offshoot, leading the transitional government, Syria appears to have traded one form of autocracy for another, this time cloaked in the language of religious justice.


Despite claims of separation of powers, the transitional government’s structure is anything but democratic. Sharaa will wield executive power for at least five years, and while a new People’s Assembly is set to take charge of legislation, its formation is deeply undemocratic. Two-thirds of its members will be appointed by a committee selected by the president, while the remaining third will be chosen directly by him. In effect, Sharaa is entrenching one-man rule under a veneer of institutional legitimacy. The only ‘exceptional power’ granted to the president is the ability to declare a state of emergency - a seemingly small caveat that opens the door to unchecked authority. If the past decade of Middle Eastern politics has taught anything, it is that emergency powers have a way of becoming permanent.


The document’s critics, including legal scholars and Kurdish-led opposition groups, argue that it does little to reflect Syria’s ethnic and religious diversity. While it vaguely refers to “Syrians who resisted the regime,” it maintains Assad-era rhetoric by explicitly defining Syria as an Arab republic, ignoring the country’s sizable Kurdish, Assyrian and other minority populations. The exclusion signals that the new regime sees Syria’s identity through an Islamist-Arab nationalist lens rather than as a pluralistic society.


The new government is already facing accusations of sectarian retribution. Reports have surfaced of revenge killings targeting members of Assad’s Alawite sect, particularly in Syria’s western coastal regions. A war monitor estimates that 1,500 civilians have been killed in clashes since Assad’s fall. Sharaa has vowed to hold perpetrators accountable, but trust in his administration is low, especially among Syria’s religious minorities who fear that his Islamist leadership will be as intolerant as Assad’s Baathist rule, if not worse.


Meanwhile, the United Nations, ever eager for a diplomatic victory, has welcomed the constitutional declaration as a step toward ‘restoring the rule of law.’ But the reality is that their calls for pluralism have been ignored, and the failure to prevent extremist groups from seizing power has now made Syria’s future even more precarious.


What is unfolding in Syria is not the dawn of democracy but a predictable descent into Islamist authoritarianism. Sharaa’s government will undoubtedly seek international legitimacy by presenting itself as a necessary stabilizing force after years of war. The West should resist any temptation to grant it premature recognition. The constitution it has unveiled is not a blueprint for democracy but a roadmap for continued oppression. Those who saw this coming were dismissed as cynics. They are now being proven right.


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