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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Appeasement Nation

The blood has barely dried in the meadows of Pahalgam, where more than 25 tourists, mostly Hindus, were gunned down in cold blood. But India’s so-called ‘secular elite’ have already started a ritual of denial. No sooner had grieving widows and orphaned children begun recounting how men were segregated by religion and executed for being Hindu, than a deeply dishonest slogan flooded social media that “terrorism has no religion.”


The attackers did not think so. They demanded the recitation of the kalma before gunning the tourists down. They laughed while blowing out the brains of men in front of their children. This was no act of blind rage but a conscious, ideological act of Islamic terrorism. But say that out loud in India, and you will be called a ‘bigot’ disrupting the ‘composite fabric’ of the nation. Speak of jihad, and the usual cabal of academics, activists and progressive journalists crawl out of their echo chambers to accuse you of ‘Islamophobia.’


But Islamic terrorists across the globe are not shy. They do not claim to act in the name of no religion. They invoke the Quran, scream ‘Allahu Akbar’ before murdering innocents. They justify their actions as service to the ummah.


As the nation mourned Pahalgam, few in the Opposition unequivocally condemned the attack as an ‘Islamic terror strike.’ The most disgraceful reaction came from Robert Vadra, husband of Congress scion Priyanka Gandhi, when he suggested that the Pahalgam attackers struck because Muslims were being mistreated in India. Others like PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti, whose party has long jostled with separatists, stopped short of blaming Pakistan.


Why this squeamishness? Because India has spent 75 years institutionalising Muslim appeasement. From the rewriting of history books to whitewashing atrocities of Islamic invaders, to the failure to properly integrate the Muslim community into the nation as citizens first and not as a perpetually aggrieved religious bloc, India has long walked on eggshells around its largest minority.


The Nehruvian consensus declared that Muslims could not be integrated as equal citizens unless pampered, protected and patronised. That philosophy gave us everything from Article 370 to the Shah Bano betrayal, to decades of soft-pedalling on jihadist violence. It has taught generations of Indians to internalize the idea that Islamic violence is somehow our fault.


This rot is evident in the civilian response to Pahalgam. It emboldens terrorists who know that India’s elite will twist itself into knots to avoid naming them. It demoralizes victims who see their pain erased in real time. It weakens national unity by forcing a dishonest narrative upon the people.


The attack in Pahalgam should have been a moment of reckoning. Instead, it has exposed the rotting moral timbers of our national conscience. Islamic terrorism is real. It has a name and a doctrine. Until India musters the courage to confront it without euphemism, it will remain vulnerable not just to bullets, but to a thousand cuts of cowardice.

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