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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

Appeasement Politics

Every generation of the Congress party produces its own small heresies. Some are tactical, others merely foolish. Maharashtra Congress president Harshwardhan Sapkal’s latest remarks declaring Tipu Sultan as the moral and historical equivalent of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj belongs squarely in the latter category. It is not just bad history but bad politics masquerading as ‘secular’ virtue.


Sapkal’s claim rests on a fashionable syllogism that as both men fought foreign powers, therefore both embody the same ideals of bravery, tolerance and national resistance. Chhatrapati Shivaji’s idea of Swarajya was not merely freedom from foreign rule but a carefully constructed political ethic, combining military pragmatism with a striking - by early-modern standards - religious pluralism. He protected shrines across faiths and grounded legitimacy in consent rather than conversion.


Tipu Sultan was, by contrast, a ruler of genuine ability but narrow vision. He fought the British bravely, died defending Srirangapatna, modernised his army and experimented with administration. None of this is in dispute. What is persistently airbrushed out by Congress spokesmen and so-called ‘liberal’ commentators is the other half of the record. Tipu’s reign was marked by forced conversions, temple destruction and brutal repression in regions such as Malabar and Kodagu. Contemporary accounts, later historians and even sympathetic chroniclers record campaigns of coercion that targeted non-Muslim populations with little restraint.


To note this is not to indulge in communal polemic but to insist on historical honesty. Tipu Sultan, by all accounts, was a complex personality. He was also deeply religious in a way that shaped policy. His establishment of a theocratic order ‘Sarkar-e-Khudadad’ and systematic disadvantaging of non-Muslims within and beyond his kingdom place him far closer to Aurangzeb than to Shivaji. Occasional temple grants or symbolic gestures were tactical concessions, and not evidence of tolerance.


Yet India’s lifetime liberals, desperate to defend a secular halo at any cost, treat Tipu’s record as an inconvenience to be edited out. They scoff at ‘right-wing history’ while practising a far cruder form of selective memory themselves. A tyrant’s token does not erase a trail of coercion. Nor does opposition to the British automatically confer moral sainthood.


The entry of Asaduddin Owaisi, invoking anti-colonial martyrdom and even Mahatma Gandhi, only sharpens the problem. Resistance to empire is not a blank cheque. History is full of rulers who fought foreigners while oppressing their own subjects. Mature politics can hold both truths at once.


Sapkal’s remarks also reveal the limits of Congress’s minority-appeasement reflex. By insisting that Tipu and Shivaji are the same, the party insults both history and Maharashtra’s political culture. Shivaji Maharaj is a civilisational symbol whose legitimacy rests precisely on his refusal to reduce power to faith. To equate him with a ruler whose statecraft was inseparable from religious coercion is to hollow out the great Maratha ruler himself. The deeper embarrassment lies in the fact that the Congress still equates secularism with flattering minorities and sanitising inconvenient figures. 


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