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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Articulate Supriya overshadows loyal Jayant Patil

Updated: Nov 12, 2024

Jayant Patil

Mumbai: If there’s one key lesson that Jayant Patil has learnt from his party boss Sharad Pawar, it is the art of maintaining warm relationships and having friends across the political spectrum. While he’s loyal to his party chief, Sharad Pawar, there’s been no dearth of political options for him in various parties. And there must’ve been at least a few occasions when he’s considered a move.


Despite his political clout and his experience, there have been consistent efforts to undermine his supremacy in the party. Be it his cold relations with Ajit Pawar and now the alleged ‘Supriya stamp’ on the party’s choice of candidates and decisions, Patil’s clout seems to ruffle his colleague’s feathers. During the Lok Sabha elections, Devendra Fadnavis had remarked that Patil had been kept away from an active campaign. The senior NCP leader’s disappointment probably prompted Pawar to recently announce that “bigger roles” were being planned for him. Pawar said that at a public meeting in Sangli, Patil’s stronghold which stands behind him, quite firmly.


Ever smiling and affable, he’s known to wield considerable influence over Islampur in Sangli district, a constituency nurtured by his visionary father Rajarambapu Patil who set up big cooperatives and educational institutes in the area.


His tenure in the Nationalist Congress Party, which he joined when Pawar split from the Congress in 1999, has been marked by internal strife and competition. His closeness to Pawar senior didn’t go down to well with Ajit. A politician from Sangli also recalls how Patil was initially hesitant to move from the Congress and was among the later ones to follow Pawar to the NCP. “That hesitation or reluctance was remembered by Pawar but his influence over Islampur politics is such that he’s an asset to any party,” says the politician from the NCP.


An educated and erudite politician, he is known to have an uncomfortable relationship with Ajit. With Ajit at the helm until now, his decisions within the party were frequently stalled or overturned by Ajit. Appointments recommended by him didn’t always go through. This unrest was palpable and the BJP, in which he has several friends, has been waiting for an opportunity to grab him to their side.


Patil, who has the distinction of having presented 10 state budgets without a break in a decade, has warm relations with the BJP. The party apparently has been wanting him for long. For the past few years, there have been consistent rumors and speculation that Patil may switch to the BJP. When investigating agencies ordered a probe into him, it was seen as an attempt to get him to defect. But he stayed put.


The upcoming polls are Patil’s first all-important assembly elections after the party split. But what can be best called the ‘Supriya stamp’ is all over the party—the choice of contestants such as Fahad Ahmad and Rohit RR Patil are her picks. Unperturbed, Patil is continuing with his public rallies and campaigns.

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