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By:

Minal Sancheti

2 May 2026 at 12:26:53 pm

Lost in Transport

Mumbai’s grand transport infrastructure is undermined by potholes, Poor discipline and a last-mile gaps that keeps it crawling Mumbai: It is morning time, and Pawan Khandelwal is all set to leave for work. A creative lead at an ad agency in Malad, Mumbai, Khandelwal should take 12 to 15 minutes to reach the office, but that rarely happens because of the traffic, poor road quality and lack of civic sense among co-drivers on the road. He mostly ends up reaching the office in 30 to 40 minutes....

Lost in Transport

Mumbai’s grand transport infrastructure is undermined by potholes, Poor discipline and a last-mile gaps that keeps it crawling Mumbai: It is morning time, and Pawan Khandelwal is all set to leave for work. A creative lead at an ad agency in Malad, Mumbai, Khandelwal should take 12 to 15 minutes to reach the office, but that rarely happens because of the traffic, poor road quality and lack of civic sense among co-drivers on the road. He mostly ends up reaching the office in 30 to 40 minutes. Khandelwal firmly believes that road construction is not a major issue for traffic. “The road under construction is not a big issue because they usually don’t take very long to repair the roads. But even after their work is done, it is not done perfectly. At times when they are digging up the road for other purposes, they often leave a bump or a pothole,” he said. He gives an example, “One can see it on the western express highway. There are so many bumps. We call it a highway, but we can’t even drive at 15 km/h because it is not fixed properly.” He also blames people for not following traffic rules, which adds to the problem. Traffic Woes Although there are coastal roads and metros available, the traffic still seems to be a problem for many residents. A media professional and a daily commuter, Charlene Flanagan has been travelling in Mumbai for many years now. There is not much difference in her experience of the traffic congestion. From her experience, she believes the coastal roads and metros have not completely accomplished the mission of curbing traffic congestion. She says, “As a resident of Mumbai and as a person with a valid driver’s licence, I would say the traf f ic hasn’t really changed. It is still as congested, and whether the coastal roads have helped depends on the time of the day you leave and whether you are going against the traffic or along with the traffic.” The pedestrians also face problems. Saloni Mehta, a theatre artiste, says, “I prefer walking to my destinations. For example, I live in Versova, and if I want to see a play in the Prithvi Theatre, I will take a half-hour walk. However, this one time, I could not reach the venue, not just because of the traffic but also because there were no pavements left to walk on. The roads are dug up, and every road is just half a road.” Mumbai’s average speed covered is 5.2 km per 15 minutes. During the peak traffic hours in the morning, when most people travel to their workplace, the average speed is 18.5 km/h. It is important to understand the issue and address it with a solution. Sudhir Badami, an author of the book ‘Matter of Equitability - Making Commuting in Mumbai Enviable’, explains why people still prefer to use cars over metros, “The metro line 3 has definitely taken away some car users. But it has not taken away sufficient numbers of car users to make a difference in the state of road congestion. The reason behind this is essentially the last-mile connectivity in areas where the Aqua Line or Line 7 operates, especially in suburban areas. In the city area, it is supported by good BEST services on the one hand, and taxis being available near the metro stations on the other hand. But most car users still opt for using their cars, as public transport currently does provide assured exclusivity, comfort and good frequency, not forgetting last mile connectivity. The Coastal Road sees very few cars compared to the number of cars on Mumbai’s Roads. Badami, as a transportation analyst, says, “Mumbai has approximately 16 Lakhs motor cars, out of which only about 55,000 seem to be using coastal roads. It is such a minuscule proportion for whom so much has been spent. This is largely because in the city, people don’t go from one end of the city to the other end. They normally start from in between and go somewhere in between. If there is not much time saving for the shorter stretches, then people are not likely to take it, and there will be continued congestion on city roads.” “In general, the necessity of the last-mile connectivity is an important part, but the greater part will be how to get car users onto the public transport,” says Badami. Public transport must provide near exclusivity, comfort and safety to a car-using commuter for migration to take place. This is where the importance of last-mile connectivity is felt. Air Pollution The slow-moving traffic also adds to the air pollution in the city several times more than when they are moving at optimum speeds, he says. Joint Commissioner of Police (Traffic), Mumbai, Anil Kumbhare, denies that there is much traffic congestion in Mumbai as compared to five years back. He credits the coastal roads for curbing the traffic. He says, “Earlier, there used to be bumper-to bumper traffic near Haji Ali. That has come down drastically. As coastal roads shape, the traffic will go down.” He also adds that there is traffic congestion in the morning hours as people are travelling for work. But there is no traffic jam. Although coastal roads have helped, there are still pockets of the city that face traffic congestion every day. This can be solved with careful planning and execution.

Atmanirbhar Bharat: An Imperative for Defence

When Indian policymakers talk of an ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ (self-reliant India), the phrase generally conjures images of solar panels, electric vehicles or homegrown smartphones. But nowhere is the imperative more pressing than in the country’s defence sector. For decades, India’s armed forces have struggled with an unhappy paradox: they are among the world’s largest, yet remain acutely dependent on foreign suppliers for critical hardware, from fighter jets to submarines.


This is no minor vulnerability. India’s neighbours include two nuclear-armed adversaries - Pakistan and China - whose military modernisation has been rapid and relentless. Yet India’s own defence preparedness has lagged behind, hobbled by inadequate capital budgets, bureaucratic sloth, an ageing industrial base and cumbersome procurement procedures. Revenue expenditure on salaries and pensions devours the lion’s share of defence allocations, leaving too little for modernisation. The result is that India continues to rely on imports to plug crucial gaps, leaving its national security hostage to shifting geopolitical winds.


Foreign suppliers

India’s import dependency is spread across a handful of partners, each with its own set of entanglements. Israel has emerged as one of the most reliable suppliers. India is the single biggest destination for Israeli defence exports, accounting for over 40 percent of its global sales. The partnership has been productive in areas such as UAVs, missiles and loitering munitions. Yet even here, constraints abound. Much of Israeli kit includes American-origin components, potentially vulnerable to Washington’s vetoes. Moreover, the holy grail of any defence deal - transfer of technology - remains elusive, hampered by Israel’s stringent sectoral regulations and reluctance to part with intellectual property. For India, this means quick access to battlefield-proven systems, but not the know-how to build them independently.


France is often hailed in New Delhi as a dependable ally. The Rafale fighter jets, Scorpene-class submarines and ongoing naval aviation deals testify to Paris’s willingness to engage deeply. France has been more open than most Western nations in offering technology partnerships. Yet the devil lies in the detail. Indian negotiators routinely complain that the most sensitive technologies including jet engines, radar integration, source codes remain out of reach. The history of defence offsets, where French firms promised local production but fell short, continues to rankle.


Russia, India’s long-standing defence partner, has supplied everything from MiG fighters and Sukhoi jets to tanks, submarines and the coveted S-400 missile system. The BrahMos cruise missile, jointly developed, is a rare example of successful collaboration. Yet problems abound in form of poor product quality, patchy maintenance support, high life-cycle costs and chronic delays. The war in Ukraine has exposed these weaknesses brutally. With Ukrainian industries producing key spares like Zorya turbines, Indian inventories have been left scrambling.


External shocks

The United States has made significant inroads in recent years. From near-zero in 2008, bilateral defence trade has crossed $20 billion, underpinned by agreements such as LEMOA and COMCASA. Washington pitches itself as India’s natural partner in balancing China. But the relationship is not without friction. Tariff disputes, delays in supply (notably General Electric engines), offset non-fulfilment, and lack of clarity under the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) have slowed progress. Above all, India is wary of America’s unpredictability: its tendency to arm Pakistan, its shifting strategic priorities, and the risk of sanctions if ties with Russia or Iran deepen. Beyond these big players, India has dabbled with suppliers from Sweden, Norway, Italy and Turkey. Each comes with its own mix of opportunities and headaches. The mosaic is complicated; the dependence, glaring.


For India, defence indigenisation is no longer about prestige; it is about survival. Foreign suppliers have served the country well in moments of crisis. But over-reliance weakens strategic autonomy. It leaves India vulnerable to external shocks - from sanctions to wars in supplier countries. It limits bargaining power in diplomacy. And it slows the pace of modernisation by making India dependent on the timelines and generosity of others.


Atmanirbharta, if realised, promises several dividends. First, it would reduce strategic dependency and enhance national security. Second, it would boost domestic innovation: defence research often spills over into civilian technologies, from aerospace to electronics. Third, it would create jobs and nurture a skilled industrial ecosystem. Fourth, it would allow India not only to meet its own needs but to emerge as a credible exporter, enhancing its diplomatic heft in regions such as Africa and Southeast Asia.


The Modi government has recognised this, placing self-reliance at the heart of defence policy. Initiatives like the ‘negative import list’ (banning imports of certain categories), the corporatisation of ordnance factories, and the encouragement of private players mark important steps.


The Defence Acquisition Procedure has been tweaked to favour domestic producers. India’s exports, once negligible, touched $2.6 billion in 2024, with customers in over 80 countries.


Yet the distance to travel is vast. High-end technologies - jet engines, advanced radars, stealth platforms, nuclear submarines - remain far beyond India’s current capabilities. The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) has had patchy success, plagued by delays and cost overruns. Indigenous production often ends up reliant on imported sub-systems, undermining the goal of self-reliance. The private sector, though energetic, lacks the depth and scale to rival global primes.


Self-reliance cannot mean isolation. India will need to continue importing where it lacks expertise, while simultaneously investing in domestic capabilities. The model to emulate is not autarky but partnerships on India’s terms. Joint ventures, co-development, and smart technology transfers can accelerate capacity-building.


In an era when great-power rivalry is intensifying and wars of attrition are back in fashion, India can ill afford to be at the mercy of others for its national security.


(The author is a retired Naval Aviation Officer and defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)

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