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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Police form SIT, arrest four

Achalpur Municipal Council serves ‘bulldozer justice’ Mumbai: Amid growing public outrage in Vidarbha, police in Amravati arrested three associates of the prime accused, 19 year old Ayan Ahmed Tanveer in the scandal involving recording and circulation of obscene videos of young women. The police also formed a 47-member Special Investigation Team even as authorities say preliminary inquiries point to a large cache of material and possible involvement of minors, prompting a rapid escalation of...

Police form SIT, arrest four

Achalpur Municipal Council serves ‘bulldozer justice’ Mumbai: Amid growing public outrage in Vidarbha, police in Amravati arrested three associates of the prime accused, 19 year old Ayan Ahmed Tanveer in the scandal involving recording and circulation of obscene videos of young women. The police also formed a 47-member Special Investigation Team even as authorities say preliminary inquiries point to a large cache of material and possible involvement of minors, prompting a rapid escalation of the probe and local administrative action that included partial demolition of the accused’s house. Police on Wednesday took into custody Uzair Khan Iqbal Khan (20), Mohammad Saad Mohammad Sabir (22) and Tabrez Khan Taslim Khan (24) after Ayan’s arrest on Monday. Court remand for the newly arrested trio runs until 21 April as investigators intensify questioning. Officials have so far identified eight victims, but local claims and media reports suggest the scandal may involve far larger numbers — with some sources alleging up to 180 girls and as many as 350 videos circulating online. A cyber team is working to recover deleted files and trace the full extent of distribution. Unauthorised Structure The Achalpur Municipal Council deployed a bulldozer to raze part of the accused’s house, citing unauthorised construction; officials said the timing was coincidental to the probe, but the action has added to tensions in the area. Police have formed a 47 member Special Investigation Team to coordinate forensic, cyber and field inquiries and have appealed to the public not to share any images or clips, warning that doing so is a criminal offence. Female officers are assisting in victim identification and interviews to ensure sensitivity and confidentiality. Investigation Focus Investigators have seized numerous objectionable videos from the prime accused’s phone and are attempting to match faces and locations to identify victims. The accused have been booked under relevant sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, the POCSO Act where minors are involved, and provisions of the Information Technology Act for non consensual recording and distribution. Police stress that no formal FIRs from victims are required to pursue the case and have offered the option of filing Zero FIRs to protect identities and fast track action. The scandal has provoked a political storm in Amravati. Opposition leaders have demanded a high level probe and some local groups have called for shutdowns, prompting heightened security. While there have been claims about the accused’s political links, party officials say he has been expelled; nevertheless, the episode has intensified scrutiny of law and order and online safety for young women. Community leaders and activists are pressing for swift arrests of all accomplices and for systemic measures to prevent similar crimes.

Beyond the Waiver Reflex

As Tamil Nadu approaches a high-stakes election, its farm policy will test whether voters favour a blend of immediate relief and long-term reform over familiar short-term populism

CM MK Stalin uses a handloom during an early morning outreach campaign ahead of the state Assembly elections in Ramanathapuram. Pic: PTI
CM MK Stalin uses a handloom during an early morning outreach campaign ahead of the state Assembly elections in Ramanathapuram. Pic: PTI

New Delhi: India’s farm policy is generally trapped in a loop. Each crisis, whether drought or flood has shown state governments usually reaching out for the same palliative instruments – be it loan waivers, raising procurement or subsidising inputs. However, these are measures that do not solve the problem, The underlying system of fragmented holdings, fickle markets and water stress remains brittle. What distinguishes Tamil Nadu’s recent approach in recent years - particularly under Edappadi K. Palaniswami’s tenure as Chief Minister - is not that it broke from this cycle, but that it tried to bend it.


That matters all the more in a poll-bound state. As Tamil Nadu edges toward its next electoral test, farm policy is poised to become more than a ledger of promises. It is a referendum on whether voters reward immediate relief or longer-term repair - or, as this model suggests, a calibrated mix of both.


Take the Rs. 12,110 crore crop loan waiver of 2021. The waiver came in the wake of the economic dislocation caused by COVID-19 and the destruction wrought by cyclones Cyclone Nivar and Cyclone Burevi. It functioned as a stabiliser during systemic shock. Crucially, it was paired with measures designed to reduce the likelihood of such distress recurring.


Among the most consequential was the notification of the Cauvery delta as a Special Protected Agricultural Zone. Covering eight districts, the policy imposed restrictions on non-agricultural activities, effectively redrawing the boundary between industrial expansion and fertile land. In a country where urbanisation often consumes prime farmland, this was an explicit political choice: preservation over encroachment.


Revival and Expansion

Water management - Tamil Nadu’s perennial Achilles’ heel - was tackled through a blend of revival and expansion. The Kudimaramath scheme, rooted in traditional community-led tank restoration, was scaled up significantly, with thousands of works completed. Alongside this decentralised effort, the state pushed forward with the Athikadavu-Avinashi project, a large-scale attempt to divert surplus water from the Bhavani River to drought-prone regions. River-linking proposals and negotiated land acquisitions aimed to extend irrigation benefits further. The logic was that resilience begins with water security.


Yet improving production is only half the battle. Farmers’ incomes depend less on what they grow than on what they earn. Here, too, Tamil Nadu attempted incremental correction. Procurement under price-support schemes was expanded beyond staples to include pulses and copra. The state set relatively generous support prices for paddy and sugarcane, seeking to inject a degree of predictability into an otherwise erratic market. Such measures cannot eliminate volatility, but they can soften its edges.


Mitigating Ecological Risk

Diversification has formed another layer of the strategy. India’s long-standing bias towards water-intensive monocropping has heightened ecological risk. Incentives were therefore introduced to promote millets and horticulture - crops better suited to changing climatic conditions. By integrating millets into the public distribution system in cities such as Chennai and Coimbatore, the state attempted something more ambitious: aligning production incentives with consumption patterns. It is a subtle but important shift.


Lowering the cost of cultivation was another priority. Subsidised solar pump sets hinted at a convergence between agriculture and renewable energy, while assurances of continuous three-phase electricity addressed a mundane but critical constraint on farm productivity. These are not headline-grabbing reforms, but they shape the everyday economics of farming.


Beyond the farm gate, attention turned to value addition. Plans for Mega Food Parks in districts such as Dindigul, Krishnagiri and Salem sought to integrate farmers into processing-led supply chains, reducing post-harvest losses and capturing greater value. Meanwhile, Tamil Nadu Agricultural University released dozens of new crop varieties and hybrids, spanning cereals, pulses and horticulture. Such investments in research and development rarely yield immediate political dividends, but they underpin long-term productivity.


Institutional reform, too, has been part of the picture. Proposals for a State Agricultural Commission suggest a move towards continuous policy calibration rather than episodic intervention. Efforts to strengthen Farmer Producer Organisations through financial support, federated structures and tax relief reflect an understanding that aggregation is essential in modern agricultural markets.


The contrast with the broader Indian pattern is instructive. Agriculture is often treated as a sector requiring periodic rescue rather than systemic redesign. Tamil Nadu’s approach, imperfect and incomplete though it is, hints at a different framing: farming as an economic system that must be made more resilient, diversified and knowledge-driven. The emphasis shifts from producing more to earning better.


Under subsequent administrations, including that of M. K. Stalin, improvements in irrigation and output have continued, though the translation into higher farm incomes remains uneven.


Tamil Nadu does not offer a ready-made template for India. Its geography, politics and institutional capacity are distinct. But its experience illustrates that where political intent aligns short-term relief with long-term restructuring, the contours of a more stable agrarian system begin to emerge. Over to the voters now.

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