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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Can India Unlock Peace in Ukraine?

Amid the wreckage of a cancelled U.S.-Russia summit, India’s quiet diplomacy could yet make it the world’s most plausible broker of peace in ending a grinding conflict.

The Budapest summit that was to be held last month was meant to be a moment of hope. The meeting between US President Donald Trump and Russia’s Vladimir Putin promised to make one more attempt at ending the devastating war in Ukraine. Instead, it became another casualty of distrust.


In the weeks before the scheduled meeting, Russia’s foreign ministry circulated a memo to Washington, restating its now-familiar demands: recognition of its territorial claims in Ukraine, and a binding assurance that Kyiv would never be allowed into NATO. Putin called these “basic conditions” for negotiation. The United States called them unacceptable and abruptly cancelled the summit after what officials described as a tense phone exchange between the two countries’ top diplomats.


The breakdown has reinforced an uncomfortable truth that the world’s two nuclear superpowers are not just unwilling, but perhaps incapable, of finding common ground. In the fallout, it is countries like India that find themselves uncomfortably caught between principles and partnerships.


Delicate balance

New Delhi has been walking a diplomatic tightrope for some time now. Its long-standing friendship with Moscow, rooted in Cold War camaraderie and defence cooperation, coexists with its deepening strategic partnership with Washington especially in the Indo-Pacific, where China’s rise looms large.


The cancellation of the Budapest summit exposes the limits of India’s balancing act. Yet it also highlights India’s potential. For all its failed attempts to forge a ceasefire or humanitarian corridor in Ukraine, India remains one of the few powers trusted—or at least tolerated—by both Russia and the West. That, in itself, is no small thing.


Since independence in 1947, India has practised a form of strategic non-alignment. The principle was simple: engage with all, align with none. In the 21st century, that doctrine has evolved into ‘multi-alignment’ - a more fluid, opportunistic form of engagement designed to preserve strategic autonomy amid great-power rivalry. The result is that India can talk to everyone, from Washington and Moscow to Beijing and Brussels, without the baggage of ideological allegiance.


This very flexibility makes India uniquely suited to act as a go-between. As the war in Ukraine drags into its fourth year, with the West’s fatigue growing and Russia’s resolve hardening, the world needs a credible interlocutor who can coax both sides toward compromise. India, unlike China or Turkey, fits that description.


India’s credentials are formidable. Its partnership with the United States has deepened dramatically over the past decade, accelerated by shared concerns over China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific. Defence agreements, joint military exercises, and technology partnerships have multiplied since 2014.


Yet India has refused to join the Western sanctions regime against Russia, continuing to buy discounted Russian oil and arms, citing “national interest.”


Far from alienating Washington, this stance has been met with grudging respect. America recognises that India’s neutrality, however inconvenient, gives it access to Moscow in ways the West no longer enjoys. In private, several Western diplomats concede that if peace talks are ever to resume, they will likely pass through New Delhi.


There is also the matter of perception. India, unlike most major powers, commands moral legitimacy across the developing world. It is seen not as a hegemon or patron, but as a fellow traveller that speaks for the Global South. When Prime Minister Narendra Modi told Putin in 2022 that “today’s era is not an era of war,” it struck a chord across capitals weary of confrontation. It was a simple phrase, but it carried the weight of an alternative worldview that values dialogue over dominance.


Honest broker

That perspective aligns with the mood in much of Africa, Asia and Latin America. Many countries have quietly refused to take sides in the Ukraine conflict, opposing Western sanctions while also condemning Russia’s invasion. In United Nations votes, their ambivalence has been visible. India embodies that ambivalence in diplomatic form. It is precisely this balancing act that could make it an honest broker.


Other potential mediators have fallen short. China, despite its global influence, has disqualified itself by leaning too heavily towards Moscow. Indonesia and Israel have made sporadic attempts at diplomacy but lack the clout to sustain them. Turkey, though instrumental in brokering grain-export deals in 2022, remains a NATO member and its own president has accused the West of ‘provoking’ Russia. Vietnam, with ties to both Russia and the U.S., has chosen to remain studiously silent.


By contrast, India has kept its options open. It has neither condemned nor condoned Russia’s war, neither abandoned nor alienated the West. Its approach has been frustratingly cautious but also disarmingly consistent. In a geopolitical landscape where every player seems trapped by alliances, India’s flexibility is its strength.


For this potential to translate into influence, two conditions must be met. First, Washington must temper its impatience with India’s neutrality. If President Trump, never one for diplomatic nuance, truly wants a negotiated peace, he must resist the temptation to berate India for hedging its bets. His anti-India rhetoric will only serve only to squander two decades of bipartisan effort to strengthen ties between the world’s two largest democracies.


Second, New Delhi must seize the moment. It cannot be content merely to occupy the middle ground but must use that space to shape outcomes. By investing political capital in shuttle diplomacy, perhaps under the aegis of the G20 or BRICS, India can demonstrate that it is not just a bridge between East and West, but a power capable of solving problems that others cannot.


Such a role would enhance India’s global stature while providing a moral counterpoint to the cynicism that has come to define modern geopolitics. Peace is never achieved by those with the loudest guns but by those with the most credible voices. The world may not be ready to admit it, but the path to ending the Ukraine war may well run through New Delhi.


(The author is a retired Naval Aviation Officer and a defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)

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