top of page

By:

Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Red Romance

For long, the Naxalite in news was recognisable by the gun. But the more insidious version of Naxalism has never needed a rifle. It has thrived in varsity classrooms and newspaper and magazine columns, fostered by men and women sympathetic to it. These academics and other members of the so-called intelligentsia have long enjoyed their status as ‘respectable dissenters’ even when their politics offered intellectual alibis for Naxals carrying guns. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent...

Red Romance

For long, the Naxalite in news was recognisable by the gun. But the more insidious version of Naxalism has never needed a rifle. It has thrived in varsity classrooms and newspaper and magazine columns, fostered by men and women sympathetic to it. These academics and other members of the so-called intelligentsia have long enjoyed their status as ‘respectable dissenters’ even when their politics offered intellectual alibis for Naxals carrying guns. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent Independence Day warning about “dimaagi Naxals” should therefore not be dismissed as another political label. His larger point was that an insurgency does not survive on ammunition alone. It survives on ideas and people willing to make violence appear morally fashionable. The most revealing feature of India’s Maoist movement was never simply its brutality. It was the strange attraction it exercised over sections of the metropolitan Left elite. The Naxalite with an AK-47 could be transformed into a romantic revolutionary while the policeman he killed became an instrument of an oppressive state. This was not merely naïveté. At its ugliest, it was the intellectual laundering of political violence. The fantasy of the romantic revolutionary has always been seductive. In this narrative, amplified through sympathetic media priding itself on telling ‘truth to power,’ India was not a constitutional democracy struggling with inequality and corruption but an inherently illegitimate state waiting to be overthrown. In the minds of this elite Left, Maoist violence has often been recast as resistance while attacks on infrastructure as blows against capitalism. The armed overthrow of the Indian republic was the liberation they craved for. Some of India’s most celebrated intellectuals have flirted dangerously close to that moral inversion. The issue here is whether intellectual prestige can be used to sanitise an ideology whose practitioners have murdered civilians, policemen and public servants and terrorised some of India’s poorest districts. A university cannot be the place where Maoist romanticism acquires the legitimacy of a fashionable campus cause. Professors who turn armed insurgents into heroic revolutionaries are not merely exercising academic freedom. If they knowingly excuse violence, they are helping to construct the moral vocabulary that makes violence possible. Let’s be clear here. A professor who criticises the Indian state is not a Naxal while a journalist who exposes state excesses is not an enemy of India. But an intellectual who repeatedly excuses, glorifies or rationalises political violence cannot hide behind the word ‘dissent.’ India has paid an enormous price for the Maoist fantasy. Thousands have died. Entire regions were held back by fear while development was obstructed. The people supposedly being liberated were often the first to suffer. The armed Naxal is now being pushed towards extinction. But the Indian republic cannot afford to leave behind the romantic mythology that made the gun respectable. A democracy can tolerate dissent. It should never be expected to tolerate the glorification of those who seek its violent destruction.

Can Pakistan Protect Its People and Foreign Workers?

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

The Duki massacre shocked the country with its brutality. The miners from the Pakhtun ethnic community and Afghan nationals were reportedly killed when terrorists launched rockets and grenades into the mine. This kind of ethnic dimension further complicates the security situation in Balochistan, a province already grappling with separatist insurgency and religious militancy. While no group has claimed responsibility for the attack yet, the tragedy highlights the vulnerability of labourers working in one of Pakistan’s most dangerous regions.


Earlier in the week, the killing of Chinese nationals who were working on infrastructure projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) frustrated Beijing, which is growing increasingly concerned over the safety of its citizens. Initial investigations suggest that this attack might have involved the assistance of a foreign intelligence agency, potentially to destabilise Pakistan’s relationship with China. For Pakistan, China is not just a key economic partner but also a critical player in its strategic and diplomatic landscape. These attacks have raised questions about whether the country can protect its citizens and foreign nationals.


Balochistan has long been a battleground for Baloch separatists and religious extremists. The province’s porous borders with Afghanistan and Iran make it difficult for security forces to control the movement of militants. Separatist insurgents in the region have historically targeted migrant labourers from Punjab, but the attack on the miners in Duki indicates that the province’s security situation is deteriorating.


The timing of these attacks is particularly concerning. Pakistan is on the verge of hosting the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit, a major diplomatic event that will bring together regional dignitaries in Islamabad. The attacks seem deliberately timed to project an image of instability and insecurity, potentially discouraging foreign dignitaries and investors from attending the summit or making investments in Pakistan. Given that Pakistan is facing a significant economic crisis with soaring inflation and a growing balance-of-payments issue, attracting foreign investment is critical to stabilising the economy.


Hostile foreign actors may be involved in these attacks. Pakistan has often accused India of supporting Baloch separatists to destabilise the country, particularly in Balochistan. Though unproven, covert operations between the two nations have a long history, and the timing of the Duki massacre and the attack on Chinese engineers hints at external involvement. Whether these attacks are coordinated by foreign forces or driven by local militancy, the impact on Pakistan’s international standing is significant.


While it is important to bring the perpetrators of these attacks to justice, this alone will not be enough to address the broader security crisis facing the country. Pakistan needs a comprehensive counterterrorism strategy that addresses the root causes of violence and dismantles the networks that enable terrorists to operate. The state’s Azm-i-Istehkam campaign aims to restore stability by targeting terrorists, though its steps remain unclear. The government must provide more transparency and regular updates on progress being made if it hopes to build public confidence in its counterterrorism efforts.


In recent years, the country has seen a resurgence of terrorism, with both religious extremists and separatist insurgents carrying out attacks. While the state has made significant strides in reducing terrorism since the height of the insurgency in the mid-2010s, the recent wave of attacks suggests that the problem is far from solved. There are deep-rooted issues that need to be addressed, including poverty, ethnic tensions, and political disenfranchisement, all of which contribute to the conditions that allow terrorism to thrive.


The country’s strategic relationship with China is crucial for its economic future, but that relationship is under threat from both internal and external forces. For Beijing, the safety of its nationals is a top priority, and if Pakistan cannot guarantee that safety, it risks losing not only Chinese investment but also the broader strategic partnership that has been the cornerstone of its foreign policy.


At the same time, Pakistan is grappling with record-level inflation and faces a balance-of-payments crisis, and attracting foreign investment is crucial for stabilising the economy. The perception that Pakistan is a dangerous place for foreign nationals will only make it harder to secure the kind of investments the country needs to pull itself out of this economic quagmire.


The country stands at a critical juncture. If it can restore order and security, it has the potential to attract foreign investment and improve its standing on the global stage. However, if the state fails to act decisively, the consequences will be dire—not only for the victims of terrorism but also for the country’s economic future and international reputation.


Without urgent action, Pakistan risks slipping further into chaos, and the recent attacks could become the beginning of a new and even more dangerous phase of terrorism in the country. The government must act now to protect its citizens, secure its foreign partnerships, and restore confidence in its ability to maintain law and order.


(The writer is a senior journalist based in Islamabad. Views personal.)

Comments

bottom of page