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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Caste Blind

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

A lateral-thinking experiment recently unfolded in Maharashtra’s Beed district, wherein police officers were directed to remove their surnames from uniforms and nameplates. The measure, initiated by the Beed Superintendent of Police is a first in the State and is meant to ensure that law enforcement is seen as neutral rather than a party to inter-caste rivalries.


The initiative is a challenge to entrenched thinking within India’s social fabric where caste identity often trumps merit and governance. The police, meant to uphold the law impartially, often find themselves caught in the crossfire of identity-based grievances. A simple traffic violation can escalate into accusations of caste-based bias, highlighting just how deeply entrenched these fault lines are. By stripping officers of their last names, Beed’s police leadership hopes to make interactions less about identity and more about enforcing the law.


But can a bureaucratic adjustment counteract generations of ingrained caste consciousness? Critics argue that while using first names is a step forward, what is truly needed is a transformation in the police force’s mindset. Others assert that the police are often mere pawns in the hands of caste-driven politicians. The problem, in their view, is not nameplates but a political culture that thrives on caste divisions. The move in Beed should be seen in a broader context. Caste identity has long played an outsized role in Indian politics, often dictating electoral outcomes, policy decisions, and even everyday social interactions. It is this very caste-driven discourse that Union Minister Nitin Gadkari railed against in a recent speech. Gadkari, never one to mince words, declared that he would “kick anyone who talks about caste,” emphasizing that a person’s worth is defined by merit rather than caste, religion, or gender. His comments, though characteristically blunt, reflect a frustration with India’s inability to transcend caste politics despite decades of affirmative action and constitutional safeguards.


The Beed initiative, in this light, is both symbolic and pragmatic. It acknowledges the deep-rooted biases in the system. Pragmatic, because it seeks a workable solution to an immediate problem which is preventing law enforcement from becoming another battlefield in caste conflicts. If successful, this initiative could set a precedent for other districts grappling with similar issues.


Maharashtra may have just taken a small but significant step towards ensuring that justice, at least in its most immediate form, appears blind to caste. Yet symbolism alone will not dismantle centuries of social stratification.


That will require sustained political will, economic upliftment, and a radical rethinking of how Indian society views identity and merit. For now, Maharashtra’s experiment deserves cautious optimism. If it succeeds in reducing caste-related altercations within the police force, other states may follow suit. But until deeper societal attitudes change, such measures will remain palliatives rather than cures.


The question remains whether India and its politicians can afford to let go of a system that has defined its power structures for centuries?

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