top of page

By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya...

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top brass was the true precipice from which the former Vice President fell. The revelations surfaced as the Winter Session of Parliament commenced on Monday, December 1, 2025. The solemnity of welcoming the new Vice President and Rajya Sabha Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, was punctured by an emotional intervention from Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge. The veteran Congress leader, hands shaking and voice trembling, shed tears on the floor of the House—a rare display of vulnerability that underscored the Opposition’s grievance over what they term an “institutional surgical strike.” The Failed Mediation Exclusive details emerging from Delhi’s political circles paint a picture of a constitutional authority who misread the winds of change. Sources reveal that tensions between Dhankhar and the government had been simmering for months, primarily over his handling of key legislative agendas and a perceived “drift” towards accommodating Opposition demands in the Upper House. As the chasm widened, a lifeline was reportedly thrown. A senior leader from a prominent alliance partner within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — a figure with decades of parliamentary experience and respect across the aisle — had discreetly offered to mediate. This leader recognized the growing impatience in the BJP high command and sought to bridge the gap before it became unbridgeable. However, Dhankhar declined the immediate urgency of this political mediation. “He was confident in his equations with the ideological parent,” a source familiar with the developments stated. “He is close to some of the RSS top functionaries and relied on them to mediate when his equations with the BJP top brass started going astray.” This reliance on Nagpur to manage New Delhi proved to be a critical miscalculation. Sources indicate that Dhankhar believed his deep ties with the Sangh would act as a buffer, insulating him from the political maneuvering of the ruling party’s executive leadership. He reportedly waited for the “green signal” or intervention from RSS functionaries, delaying the necessary reconciliation with the party leadership. Cost of delay The delay in mending ways was fatal. By the time the former Vice President realized that the RSS would not—or could not—overrule the BJP’s strategic decision to replace him, the die had been cast. The drift had become a gulf. The instruction, when it finally came on that fateful July 21, was absolute - he had to vacate the office immediately. The “untimely sudden resignation” that followed was officially cloaked in medical terminology, but insiders describe a chaotic exit. The former VP, who had recently moved into the lavish new Vice-President’s Enclave, was forced to vacate the premises in haste, leaving behind a tenure marked by both assertive confrontations and, ironically, a final act of silent compliance. Tears in the Upper House The ghost of this departure loomed large over Monday’s proceedings. Welcoming the new Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, Mallikarjun Kharge could not hold back his emotions. Breaking away from the customary pleasantries, Kharge launched into a poignant lament for the predecessor who was denied a farewell. “I am constrained to refer to your predecessor’s completely unexpected and sudden exit from the office of the Rajya Sabha Chairman, which is unprecedented in the annals of parliamentary history,” Kharge said, his voice heavy with emotion. As Treasury benches erupted in protest, shouting slogans to drown out the discomforting truth, Kharge continued, wiping tears from his eyes. “The Chairman, being the custodian of the entire House, belongs as much to the Opposition as to the government. I was disheartened that the House did not get an opportunity to bid him a farewell. Regardless, we wish him, on behalf of the entire Opposition, a very healthy life.” The sight of the Leader of the Opposition shedding tears for a presiding officer with whom he had frequently clashed was a striking paradox. It highlighted the Opposition’s narrative that Dhankhar’s removal was not just a personnel change, but an assertion of executive dominance over the legislature. New chapter with old scars The government, represented by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, sharply countered Kharge’s remarks, accusing the Opposition of shedding “crocodile tears” after having moved impeachment notices against Dhankhar in the past. “You are insulting the Chair by raising this now,” Rijiju argued amidst the din. Yet, outside the House, the whispers persisted. The narrative of a Vice President who waited for a call from Nagpur that came too late has firmly taken root. As C.P. Radhakrishnan takes the Chair, he does so not just as a new presiding officer, but as the successor to a man who learned the hard way that in the current dispensation, political alignment with the executive supersedes even the oldest of ideological ties.

Cold war between Uddhav Thackeray and the Congress

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Cold war between Uddhav Thackeray and the Congress

The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA), an alliance born out of political necessity rather than ideological congruence after the 2019 Assembly election, now finds itself at something of a crossroads despite its remarkable win in the recently concluded Lok Sabha election.

The unilateral move Uddhav Thackeray, leader of the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray), to project himself as the chief ministerial candidate for the 2024 Maharashtra Assembly elections has sparked a political cold war within the coalition, particularly with the Congress. Thackeray’s move, ostensibly aimed at consolidating his base within the Sena and projecting an image of leadership after his ousting as chief minister in 2022, has ruffled feathers within the Congress.

Thackeray’s demands for a clear stance on the CM face seems to reflect his frustration with the MVA coalition’s current dynamics. In recent meetings with Congress and NCP leaders, he has pressed for a clear decision on who will lead the government if the MVA wins.

When the MVA was formed with the sole consideration of keeping the BJP at bay, the Congress was the third partner in the coalition, having lesser MLAs as compared to the undivided Shiv Sena and the NCP. However, vertical splits within the Shiv Sena and the NCP in 2022 and 2023 respectively, followed by the Congress’ stunning revival in Maharashtra - which saw the party win 13 of the 17 Lok Sabha seats it contested on to emerge as the single-largest in the State – have changed equations within the coalition.

The party’s leadership, wary of being reduced to a mere junior partner, has voiced its displeasure, reminding Thackeray that such decisions ought to be made collectively within the MVA, not dictated unilaterally by any one leader.

Furthermore, Thackeray’s growing support among Muslims could potentially strain his relationship with the Congress. The Congress, traditionally seen as the primary representative of Muslim interests within the alliance, view Thackeray’s inroads into this voter base as an encroachment on its electoral turf. This could lead to heightening of tensions between the two parties as they jostle for dominance within the coalition, particularly in constituencies where minority voters play a decisive role. The Congress has historically relied on minority support as a cornerstone of its electoral strategy in Maharashtra.

However, after the split within the Sena following Eknath Shinde’s revolt, the minorities, electorally jaded after supporting parties like the Congress and the AIMIM in the past, now see Thackeray as an attractive alternative given that he has been aggressively taken on the BJP and PM Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah.

Uddhav’s increasing appeal to these demographics challenges the Congress’s position, potentially leading to a reconfiguration of political dynamics within the MVA as both parties seek to consolidate their influence ahead of the 2024 Maharashtra Assembly election. Thackeray has been insistent that the coalition agree on a Chief Ministerial candidate prior to the elections, even if the name remains undisclosed to the public.

At a recent press conference, he made clear on the need to avoid the discord that he had experienced when in alliance with the BJP, where a lack of clear leadership and seat-sharing agreements had led the collapse of the long-standing Sena-BJP alliance. The Congress has remained resistant to Thackeray’s push. Congress leaders have even criticized Thackeray’s performance in the Lok Sabha election, pointing to his party’s ‘poor’ showing and the Sena (UBT)’s inability to transfer votes effectively to Congress-NCP undermines his position.

Of the three MVA parties, Thackeray’s Sena (UBT), despite contesting on the largest number of seats (21), had managed to secure only nine while Sharad Pawar’s NCP (SP) had the best strike rate – winning eight of the ten seats it contested on.

Tensions within the opposition coalition were rife even before the Lok Sabha. The claim over the Sangli seat, which saw the Congress and the Sena (UBT) nearly coming to blows, was microcosmic of the inherent schism within the MVA. The Thackeray group had unilaterally claimed the Sangli seat for itself despite it being a Congress bastion for 50 years, provoking intense resentment among the Congress cadre throughout western Maharashtra. Ultimately, Congress rebel Vishal Patil won the seat by trouncing political neophyte Chandrahar Patil, a wrestler fielded by the Sena (UBT).

Amid this brewing discord between Thackeray and the Congress, the 83-year-old Sharad Pawar, the architect of the MVA, has adopted a cautious stance. Known for his political acumen and ability to navigate Maharashtra’s complex political terrain, Pawar has refrained from openly endorsing Thackeray’s move. Instead, he has called for unity within the alliance, urging all parties to focus on their common goal of defeating the BJP in the upcoming election.

Thackeray’s insistence on a pre-election leadership decision and the Congress’s resistance appears to underscore the fragile nature of the MVA coalition as it gears up for the upcoming election.

Comments

bottom of page