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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Communal Farce

Updated: Jan 20, 2025

In a world awash with misinformation, the stabbing of Bollywood actor Saif Ali Khan should have been met with reasoned condemnation of violence and calls for justice. Instead, the incident swiftly spiralled into an absurd theater of communal finger-pointing, driven by opportunistic politicians and self-styled left-liberal intellectuals. The ensuing uproar underscores not only the dangers of knee-jerk reactions but also the entrenched tendency of certain quarters to see communal conspiracies where none exist.


In the immediate aftermath of the stabbing, voices from the usual quarters erupted, proclaiming the incident as evidence of a supposed ‘Hindu conspiracy’ against minorities in India. Social media, a crucible for half-baked theories, amplified these claims, with hashtags and incendiary posts trending in predictable patterns. Then came the facts, as they often inconveniently do. The accused, far from fitting the profile that the alarmists had conjured, turned out to be a Bangladeshi Muslim national. This revelation was met not with apologies or retractions but with deafening silence or clumsy attempts to shift the narrative.


Among the loudest voices was Jitendra Awhad, the NCP (SP) legislator, who, doubling down on a narrative of Hindu conspiracies, suggested that Saif was targeted because of his son Taimur’s controversial name, which has long drawn ire from right-wing circles because of the massacres perpetrated by the 14th century Turko-Mongol conqueror of the same name. While right-wing critics have been vocal about Saif’s choice, this cultural debate is irrelevant to the violent act committed against him.


Awhad’s comments reflect the proclivity of certain politicians and their intellectual allies to communalize incidents with scant regard for facts. This behaviour mirrors the approach of Islamist apologists and left-leaning commentators who reflexively blame Hindu groups for acts of violence while overlooking evidence that points elsewhere.


Such tendencies have roots in a broader historical pattern of obfuscation. Take the case of India’s Marxist historians, who for decades have been accused of whitewashing the crimes of Islamic invaders under the guise of promoting ‘secularism.’


Just as these historians have sought to sanitize the past, today’s left-liberals attempt to distort the present, bending facts to fit their ideological templates. This selective outrage deepens communal divides by fostering a narrative of perpetual victimhood among minorities and perpetual guilt among Hindus.

The political calculus behind these actions is as cynical as it is transparent. For some, stoking communal tensions is a tried-and-tested strategy to consolidate vote banks.


Sections of the press, eager to align with fashionable narratives, amplified baseless accusations without bothering to verify facts. The decline of journalistic rigor in favour of sensationalism and ideological bias has become a recurring theme in India’s media landscape. To call such behaviour ‘opportunistic’ would be generous; to call it shameless would be closer to the mark. In an era where trust in institutions is already fragile, the willingness of so-called champions of secularism and pluralism to propagate unfounded claims erodes public confidence further.

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