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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Congress’ solo path for ‘ideological survival’

Mumbai: The Congress party’s decision to contest the forthcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections independently is being viewed as an attempt to reclaim its ideological space among the public and restore credibility within its cadre, senior leaders indicated. The announcement - made by AICC General Secretary Ramesh Chennithala alongside state president Harshwardhan Sapkal and Mumbai Congress chief Varsha Gaikwad - did not trigger a backlash from the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi...

Congress’ solo path for ‘ideological survival’

Mumbai: The Congress party’s decision to contest the forthcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections independently is being viewed as an attempt to reclaim its ideological space among the public and restore credibility within its cadre, senior leaders indicated. The announcement - made by AICC General Secretary Ramesh Chennithala alongside state president Harshwardhan Sapkal and Mumbai Congress chief Varsha Gaikwad - did not trigger a backlash from the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) partners, the Nationalist Congress Party (SP) and Shiv Sena (UBT). According to Congress insiders, the move is the outcome of more than a year of intense internal consultations following the party’ dismal performance in the 2024 Assembly elections, belying huge expectations. A broad consensus reportedly emerged that the party should chart a “lone-wolf” course to safeguard the core ideals of Congress, turning140-years-old, next month. State and Mumbai-level Congress leaders, speaking off the record, said that although the party gained momentum in the 2019 Assembly and 2024 Lok Sabha elections, it was frequently constrained by alliance compulsions. Several MVA partners, they claimed, remained unyielding on larger ideological and political issues. “The Congress had to compromise repeatedly and soften its position, but endured it as part of ‘alliance dharma’. Others did not reciprocate in the same spirit. They made unilateral announcements and declared candidates or policies without consensus,” a senior state leader remarked. Avoid liabilities He added that some alliance-backed candidates later proved to be liabilities. Many either lost narrowly or, even after winning with the support of Congress workers, defected to Mahayuti constituents - the Bharatiya Janata Party, Shiv Sena, or the Nationalist Congress Party. “More than five dozen such desertions have taken place so far, which is unethical, backstabbing the voters and a waste of all our efforts,” he rued. A Mumbai office-bearer elaborated that in certain constituencies, Congress workers effectively propelled weak allied candidates through the campaign. “Our assessment is that post-split, some partners have alienated their grassroots base, especially in the mofussil regions. They increasingly rely on Congress workers. This is causing disillusionment among our cadre, who see deserving leaders being sidelined and organisational growth stagnating,” he said. Chennithala’s declaration on Saturday was unambiguous: “We will contest all 227 seats independently in the BMC polls. This is the demand of our leaders and workers - to go alone in the civic elections.” Gaikwad added that the Congress is a “cultured and respectable party” that cannot ally with just anyone—a subtle reference to the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), which had earlier targeted North Indians and other communities and is now bidding for an electoral arrangement with the SS(UBT). Both state and city leaders reiterated that barring the BMC elections - where the Congress will take the ‘ekla chalo’ route - the MVA alliance remains intact. This is despite the sharp criticism recently levelled at the Congress by senior SS(UBT) leader Ambadas Danve following the Bihar results. “We are confident that secular-minded voters will support the Congress' fight against the BJP-RSS in local body elections. We welcome backing from like-minded parties and hope to finalize understandings with some soon,” a state functionary hinted. Meanwhile, Chennithala’s firm stance has triggered speculation in political circles about whether the Congress’ informal ‘black-sheep' policy vis-a-vis certain parties will extend beyond the BMC polls.

Congress’s western wall crumbles

Once a symbol of rural Congress strength, Thopate’s move to the BJP leaves the party adrift in Western Maharashtra.


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Pune: The Congress party’s slow erosion in Maharashtra gathered speed last week when Sangram Thopate, a former MLA from Bhor in Pune district, took decisive steps toward joining the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Thopate is expected to join the BJP on Tuesday. For a generation, the Thopates - Sangram and his father Anantrao - had been linchpins of Congress’s rural network, stitching together a web of cooperatives, educational institutions and loyal cadres. Their departure marks not just a local loss but a symbolic retreat of Congress influence across western Maharashtra, a region once considered its fortress.


The blow is not merely psychological. The Congress’s footprint in Pune district has been shrinking for years, culminating in a complete rout in the recent Assembly elections. Not a single Congress MLA was elected across Pune city and district in the Assembly polls last year. Thopate himself, a three-time MLA (2009, 2014, and 2019) bit the dust in 2024 after a rebellion by Kiran Dagde, a former BJP corporator, which split the Congress vote and gifted the seat to Ajit Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). Ravindra Dhangekar, another Congress hopeful, was trounced in the Lok Sabha election by over 150,000 votes before defecting to Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena. The exit of Sangram Thopate merely seals an unfolding collapse.


Leaderless party

In its western heartland, Congress now finds itself leaderless and listless. After the Assembly debacle, the party high command had removed state chief Nana Patole, replacing him with Harshvardhan Sapkal, a mild-mannered former MLA little known even within party circles. In a state where political charisma and mass appeal are essential, Sapkal’s quiet religiosity offers scant comfort. Meanwhile, the few remaining figures - Vishal Patil in Sangli, Vishwajeet Kadam in Palus Kadegaon and Satej Patil in Kolhapur - provide little hope. Vishal Patil’s loyalty is suspect while Satej Patil’s influence rarely strays beyond Kolhapur’s borders. Kadam, once seen as a rising star, has failed to catch fire even after a Lok Sabha bid in Pune city a decade ago.


In this grim landscape, Thopate’s defection is more than another desertion. It underscores a structural decay that Congress seems unable to arrest. Thopate was not merely a Congress loyalist but part of its historic anti-Pawar axis in Pune district. His father, Anantrao Thopate, a former minister and once a chief ministerial hopeful, led the faction opposing Sharad Pawar’s dominance in the region. In the 1999 Assembly election, Sonia Gandhi herself campaigned in Bhor to boost Anantrao’s candidacy. Yet even then, Pawar’s subterranean political maneuvers torpedoed Thopate’s ambitions.


Pawar’s olive branch

Ironically, political enmity between the Pawar and Thopate families finally thawed during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Facing an existential threat in Baramati, Sharad Pawar personally visited the aging Anantrao Thopate to secure his support for daughter Supriya Sule’s campaign. Old rivalries were buried, but too late to resurrect Congress’s fortunes.


The Thopate family’s clout rested not just on electoral wins but also on their mastery of the cooperative sector - a vital source of rural patronage. Their Rajgad Cooperative Sugar Factory was once a powerhouse but slipped into financial distress between 2014 and 2019. In a telling twist, it was then-Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis of the BJP who reportedly helped rescue it. That act of quiet generosity perhaps sowed the seeds of Thopate’s eventual migration to the saffron fold.


Sour relationship

Congress’s relationship with Sangram Thopate had frayed long before. In January 2020, when he was denied the post of district party president, his supporters stormed the Congress Bhavan in Pune and vandalized it – an act that hardened mutual resentments. Despite his loyalty and stature, Thopate was consistently passed over for ministerial positions. At best, he was floated as a possible Speaker of the Assembly, a consolation prize that he could not even claim.


Now, with his adhesion to the BJP, Chief Minister Fadnavis stands to gain a seasoned lieutenant in Pune district. Thopate’s entry into the BJP not only boosts the party’s credibility among rural voters but also strengthens its cooperative network - a key plank for political mobilisation in Maharashtra. Meanwhile, for the Congress, the desertion leaves an aching void in an area where it once held unassailable sway.


It also highlights the deeper malaise afflicting the party nationwide: an aging leadership disconnected from its grassroots, slow to reward loyalty and blind to the new dynamics of regional politics. In Maharashtra’s fluid political market, where alliances shift like monsoon winds, Congress remains rigid and adrift - hemmed in by nostalgia and weakened by inertia.


The Thopates’ departure does not merely close a chapter. It spells the end of Congress’s relevance in a region that once crowned its leaders.

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