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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

Content Harming Our Kids

Any medium is a double-edged sword, and this is true for smartphones and over-the-top (OTT) platforms. As part of the Prabodhini Fellowship by Rambhau Mhalgi Prabodhini (RMP) in 2025, I conducted semi-structured interviews with 101 parents of children aged 10–15 in Vadodara, Gujarat. Ninety-five per cent expressed concern over the content their children access on OTT platforms. A controversial episode involving YouTuber Ranveer Allahbadia highlighted ineffective content regulation. This event prompted the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting to issue an advisory urging stricter age classifications and compliance with the IT Rules 2021.


OTT refers to internet-based apps and services like WhatsApp, Skype, and Instagram that operate independently of telecom providers. OTT media enables streaming of live, delayed, or recorded content. OCC includes on-demand web series and shows on OTT, outside of traditional censorship.


Fuelled by the Jio Revolution and the COVID-19 lockdown, India saw a meteoric rise in OTT consumption. As per KPMG, OTT subscribers in India are projected to hit 627 million in 2025, with the market reaching Rs 103.9 billion at a CAGR of 32%. With this comes responsibility. But shows like Mirzapur, Gandi Baat, and Narcos depict violence, explicit language, profanity, substance use, and adult themes that negatively influence children, desensitise them to aggression, induce fear or anxiety, encourage risky behaviour, normalise inappropriate language, and influence perceptions of relationships and lifestyles. Educational and informative series like Our Planet and Explained enhance knowledge, critical thinking, and awareness, and demonstrate OTT’s positive potential. Unfortunately, many platforms prioritise popularity over responsibility.


Legal framework

Currently, there’s no specific legislation for OCC. While the IT Act, 2000, offers a broad framework, and the IT Rules, 2021, introduce a self-regulatory code with a three-tier grievance mechanism, the model lacks enforceability. This ‘self-regulation’ without accountability risks turning into ‘no regulation’ because of the non-binding nature of self-regulation. Moreover, content regulation post-release acts as a post-mortem action after the harm is done. In a data-driven world, pre-emptive regulation is necessary.


Accessing pornographic sites is in demand and often defended under the right to privacy. However, the Uttarakhand High Court upheld the Government of India’s order to ban many porn sites, noting that such content can fuel violent sexual behaviour. Certain web series have a significant impact on young minds, with crime cases inspired by shows like Money Heist (Lucknow) and Bhaukal (Delhi).


Parental controls

Parental controls are features in apps, devices, and software that help parents restrict age-inappropriate content, monitor usage, and set screen time limits. These controls range from content filters to app blockers. Platforms like Instagram, YouTube, Netflix, Amazon Prime Video, and Zee5 offer such features. My findings were revealing.

• 78% of children watch OTT content for over an hour daily

• YouTube is the most accessed platform, followed by Disney+ Hotstar, Netflix, and Prime Video

• Over 60% of children watch content unsupervised as parents are busy

• Many parents set filters, monitor viewing history, or watch content with children, but 10% have no strategy

• Only 50% of parents are aware of parental controls, increasing the risk

• Over 70% of parents regularly discuss OTT content with children, which is a positive step

• 78% don’t allow children to watch age-inappropriate web series, but worry about indirect exposure via reels

• 77.3% of parents demanded stronger laws to regulate OTT content


Measures and Concerns

Parents reported taking steps such as:

• Using parental controls (50.6%)

• Discussing content rules (56.3%)

• Enforcing viewing schedules (44.8%)

• Co-viewing content (41.4%)


Recommendations

• Uphold prevailing social morality standards

• Clear legal definitions of OTT, web series, and movies

• Conduct independent audits of OCC, impose penalties, and license cancellation for repeated violations

• Mandate annual user age declarations and enforce OTP-based access

• Promote physical and mental activities to reduce overreliance on digital entertainment

• Run digital literacy campaigns about safe digital habits, similar to ‘Good touch – Bad touch’

• Ensure that OTT platforms give responsible content

• Enforce age restrictions on social media to curb the rising ‘reel culture’

• Monitor foreign web content to prevent cultural dilution

• Ban inappropriate or suggestive thumbnails and clickbait content

• Mandate default controls on child profiles, aligning with global best practices


OTT platforms offer cultural and economic potential. The government has launched initiatives like OTT awards at the 54th International Film Festival of India. But, for OTT to contribute meaningfully to Viksit Bharat 2047, it must balance creative freedom with social accountability.


(The author is a research fellow at Rambhau Mhalgi Prabodhini, Mumbai.)

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