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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

Raj snarls at Mumbai traffic chaos

Mumbai: Coming down heavily on Mumbai’s traffic woes, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray said India may boast of a 7.8 pc GDP growth, but what use is a booming economy if citizens struggle to even walk safely on the roads, here on Monday. In scathing inaugural address of the MNS Vahatuk Sena conference in Navi Mumbai, Raj took in a bird’ eye-view and took potshots at the city, state and Centre on urban traffic problems, vanishing footpaths, incessant number of vehicles...

Raj snarls at Mumbai traffic chaos

Mumbai: Coming down heavily on Mumbai’s traffic woes, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray said India may boast of a 7.8 pc GDP growth, but what use is a booming economy if citizens struggle to even walk safely on the roads, here on Monday. In scathing inaugural address of the MNS Vahatuk Sena conference in Navi Mumbai, Raj took in a bird’ eye-view and took potshots at the city, state and Centre on urban traffic problems, vanishing footpaths, incessant number of vehicles spilling onto the already clogged roads, lack of civic or traffic disciplines and unplanned development activities in cities. “Norms stipulate that road should account for 15pc of a city’s total area. But, for example, in Pune, roads comprise barely 7pc of the landscape,” Raj pointed out, slamming the local and state governments for doling out FSI indiscriminately and permitting buildings to mushroom without matching infrastructure. “We have development plans that cater to builders’ interests, but there is no town planning… This is why we are suffering… Should be lick the GDP growth?” he asked sarcastically. Raj claimed that we are busy building bridges and flyovers in the name of development but without adequately assessing the actual requirements, roads are built to last only two years after which they need repairs, natural lakes are being filled up and replaced with skyscrapers, damaging the cityscape, and leading to water shortages. Dwelling on traffic discipline and the government’s apparent inability to enforce it, the MNS chief point out how trucks and tempos routinely ply on the extreme right (fast) lane flouting rules mandating them to be on the left (slow) lanes, how vehicles are randomly parked at street corners obstructing traffic and posing accident hazards, and how intrepid two-wheeler riders believe “that traffic signals are meant for four-wheelers alone”. “When there are traffic signals everywhere, there are also traffic cops… What is the need for this? Why can’t we learn from developed countries where everybody scrupulously adheres to road discipline... I have instructed all my drivers including the police escort vehicles to stick to traffic discipline, come what may,” Raj declared. He shuddered at the mere thought that if Mumbai’s local train networks ever collapsed – there have been many instances in the past – lakhs of commuters would be forced to take out their own vehicles and the city could be completely paralysed. “I have already written to the CM, Deputy CMs and the BMC authorities on the need to curb illegal parking on roads/pavements, demarcate parking zones with red-blue or yellow-black stripes, and make the people aware of it. But nothing has been done on this,” he rued. “Citizens fail to follow traffic rules, the government fails to enforce them, new vehicles are coming onto the roads daily but when there are traffic jams, fingers are pointed at the traffic police,” said Raj. Give me power Ending on a stark political track, Thackeray said creating an orderly civic structure was hardly “rocket science”. “I am eagerly waiting to see the day when the people of Maharashtra will hand over the reins of power to me. I will bring in true order to the state. Enforcing discipline is not a rocket science, it just requires political will,” Raj concluded in a dare.

Corridor of Uncertainty

Mar 23
4 min read

War in Iran has turned the INSTC, India’s most promising trade shortcut, into a strategic liability.

The fog of war in the Middle East has obscured more than battle lines. It has also hidden the quiet unravelling of one of Eurasia’s most ambitious trade experiments: the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). Conceived at the turn of the millennium as a faster, cheaper artery linking South Asia to Europe, the corridor now finds itself a casualty as collateral damage in a widening Iran embroglio that threatens to redraw the geography of trade.


The INSTC was, on paper, an elegant solution to an old problem. Traditional sea routes from India to Russia and Europe, largely dependent on the Suez Canal, were long, costly and vulnerable to chokepoints. By contrast, the INSTC promised a multimodal shortcut: cargo would move by sea from Mumbai to Iran, then by rail and road across the Iranian plateau to the Caspian Sea, before continuing onward to Russia and beyond. In 2001, India, Iran and Russia signed the foundational agreement, later drawing in a constellation of Eurasian states from Azerbaijan and Armenia to Kazakhstan and Turkey.


The promise was not merely theoretical. When the first commercial consignment traversed the corridor in July 2022, it signalled a breakthrough. Estimates suggested that the INSTC could cut transit times by as much as 40 percent and reduce costs by roughly 30 percent. A journey from Mumbai to Moscow that once took up to two months could be completed in under three weeks. For a trading nation like India, seeking to deepen ties with Russia and Central Asia while hedging against disruptions in maritime routes, the corridor seemed transformative.


Fault Line

Yet infrastructure, however efficient, is only as stable as the geopolitics that underpins it. And here, the INSTC’s fatal vulnerability has been laid bare. Its central node – Iran - has become the epicentre of a widening conflict involving Israel and the United States. What was once envisaged as the “logistical heartland of Eurasia” now resembles a fault line.

 

The most immediate damage has been physical. A joint American-Israeli strike on March 18 targeted the Iranian port of Bandar Anzali on the Caspian Sea - a key transshipment hub in the INSTC network. The destruction of its customs infrastructure has effectively choked cargo flows through a corridor already struggling with bottlenecks. In a system where efficiency depends on seamless transitions between sea, rail and road, such disruptions are crippling.


The economic consequences have been swift. Shipping delays have lengthened transit times, eroding the very advantage that made the corridor attractive. Alternative routes, whether via the Suez Canal or longer overland paths, are not only slower but also 20–30 percent more expensive. Worse, they lack the capacity to absorb the displaced cargo fully. The result is a squeeze on trade volumes and a rise in costs that ripple through supply chains.


For Russia, a principal beneficiary of the corridor - particularly as it seeks to bypass Western sanctions - the financial toll is mounting. Logistics firms reportedly face monthly losses running into tens of millions of dollars. Freight turnover along the route could fall by as much as a quarter this year. For India, the implications are no less serious. The ambitious target of boosting bilateral trade with Russia to $100bn by 2030 now looks increasingly aspirational.


Insurance markets, ever sensitive to risk, have compounded the problem. The intensification of hostilities in the Gulf, coupled with threats to shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, has made underwriting cargo through Iran prohibitively expensive. Some operators have suspended services altogether. In effect, the corridor is being priced out of viability just as much as it is being bombed into disruption.


Geopolitical Statement

The strategic implications are sobering. The INSTC was never merely a trade route; it was a geopolitical statement. For India, it offered a means of asserting strategic autonomy by diversifying trade routes, deepening continental ties, and reducing dependence on maritime chokepoints dominated by rival powers. For Iran, it promised economic integration and relevance. For Russia, it provided a lifeline to global markets.


Now, that shared vision is fraying. Instead of serving as a stabilising economic link, the corridor has become a liability, exposing its users to the vagaries of conflict in one of the world’s most volatile regions. The very geography that once conferred advantage by bridging continents now amplifies risk.


What, then, is to be done? For India, the answer lies not in abandoning the project but in adapting it. A multi-pronged strategy is essential. First, there is a need to strengthen infrastructure and operational control across safer segments of the corridor, ensuring that disruptions in one node do not paralyse the entire network. Second, greater emphasis must be placed on the so-called ‘eastern route,’ which skirts some of the most volatile regions and may offer a more secure, if less direct, alternative.


Investment in technological modernisation is equally critical. Digitised logistics, real-time tracking, and streamlined customs processes can mitigate delays and enhance resilience. At the same time, India must leverage its tradition of strategic autonomy to navigate the geopolitical minefield.


Establishing credible guarantees for cargo safety, possibly through multilateral arrangements involving regional partners, will be key to restoring confidence among shippers and insurers. The involvement of additional stakeholders, from Central Asian republics to European markets, could help distribute risk and reinforce the corridor’s viability.


Finally, institutional innovation may be required. A dedicated task force, bringing together government agencies, industry players and international partners, could provide the coordination needed to respond swiftly to disruptions and chart a long-term course.


The INSTC’s troubles are a reminder that in an interconnected world, infrastructure and geopolitics are inseparable. Trade corridors do not exist in a vacuum; they are embedded in the political landscapes they traverse. When those landscapes shift, the consequences can be profound.


(The author is a retired naval aviation officer and a defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)  

1 Comment


Very well explained the impact of Gulf conflict on INSTC and India's geopolitics. Trade to Eurosia was no where highlighted even after 4 weeks of conflict.

Abandoning is not solution for INSTC adaption of other options as suggested by Author needs attention.

Permanent pact with Iran and other Gulf countries for Hormuz and Suez routes must be thought by India.

Ben Gurian canal proposal/ project must be redrawn and implemented as longterm overriding alternative.

Thanks for unique article relevant to Gulf conflict impact.

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