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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Ideology, Illusion, and the Politics of Power

Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi greets supporters during a roadshow ahead of the Kerala assembly polls, in Kozhikode district on Tuesday. | Pic: PTI New Delhi:  At a critical electoral juncture in Kerala, the political contest being waged in the name of ideology appears less about public welfare and more like a renewed struggle for the division of power. Kerala's electoral battle exposes contradictions between ideology and alliances, as BJP, Congress, and Left trade...

Ideology, Illusion, and the Politics of Power

Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi greets supporters during a roadshow ahead of the Kerala assembly polls, in Kozhikode district on Tuesday. | Pic: PTI New Delhi:  At a critical electoral juncture in Kerala, the political contest being waged in the name of ideology appears less about public welfare and more like a renewed struggle for the division of power. Kerala's electoral battle exposes contradictions between ideology and alliances, as BJP, Congress, and Left trade accusations while prioritizing power, leaving voters questioning credibility, governance plans, and commitment to justice.   At the national level, the Congress and the Left position themselves as opponents of the Bharatiya Janata Party and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Yet before the public, they often appear equally eager to undercut one another. In Parliament, they join hands to bring no-confidence motions and accuse the government of misusing investigative agencies. However, at the state level, this coordination is conspicuously absent. In Kerala, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has alleged a nexus between the CPI(M) and the SDPI, even hinting at tacit understandings between the BJP and the Left. Meanwhile, LDF Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan has dismissed these claims as "entirely baseless."   This persistent friction reinforces the impression that ideology has become largely symbolic, while the real contest revolves around consolidating vote banks and securing seats. The Left, invoking the language of "pragmatic alliances," signals readiness to align with the Congress at the national level. Yet in Kerala, it faces accusations of straying from its foundational principles, even as it projects itself as the principal alternative to the BJP.   Conspiracy factor Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has repeatedly asserted in his campaign rallies that this election is a contest between two ideologies-the Left and the UDF. Yet, he claims, for the first time there is an "unprecedented partnership" emerging between the Left and the BJP. He alleges that the CPI(M) can be easily controlled by the BJP, whereas the Congress-led UDF would not play into its hands. Such assertions risk creating the impression that ideological confrontation has now given way to a politics of expedient compromises.   On the other hand, CM Pinarayi Vijayan firmly maintains that his party neither seeks support from the SDPI nor engages in any covert understanding with communal forces. He portrays the Left Democratic Front as a formation grounded in "clear ideological principles" and resolutely opposed to communal politics. The contradiction here is striking that just as the BJP accuses the Congress and the Left of collusion, the Congress and the Left, in turn, level similar charges of "compromise" against each other.   Confused Electorate In Kerala's electoral theatre, PM Modi has branded both the UDF and the LDF as "each other's B team," while projecting the BJP as the only genuine "A team." His argument rests on the claim that the state has, for decades, been trapped between two traditional power blocs, one corrupt and the other allegedly even more so. He contends that both alliances have deceived the public through vote-bank politics, whereas the BJP now promises to "expose" their corruption and deliver "justice."   The larger question remains, when the Left and the Congress join hands in Parliament to oppose the BJP, is their unity rooted in a principled stand against the ruling party BJP/NDA, or is it merely political theatre calibrated for electoral convenience? If both claim to be ideologically committed formations, what justifies their readiness to confront each other in the states and often aggressively over vote banks?   Real Issues At the national level, the Left often raises its voice on substantive constitutional and economic questions; corruption, public debt, privatization, and decentralization. Yet, in the heat of elections, these very debates are reduced to the arithmetic of vote banks and seat shares. The BJP, as the ruling party, seeks to anchor its campaign in development metrics, flagship projects like the Vizhinjam Port, and symbolic initiatives such as the Nari Shakti Vandan Act, presenting them as tangible achievements before the electorate. The opposition, in turn, attempts to recast these same initiatives as narratives of "debt" and "plunder."

Corridor of Uncertainty

War in Iran has turned the INSTC, India’s most promising trade shortcut, into a strategic liability.

The fog of war in the Middle East has obscured more than battle lines. It has also hidden the quiet unravelling of one of Eurasia’s most ambitious trade experiments: the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). Conceived at the turn of the millennium as a faster, cheaper artery linking South Asia to Europe, the corridor now finds itself a casualty as collateral damage in a widening Iran embroglio that threatens to redraw the geography of trade.


The INSTC was, on paper, an elegant solution to an old problem. Traditional sea routes from India to Russia and Europe, largely dependent on the Suez Canal, were long, costly and vulnerable to chokepoints. By contrast, the INSTC promised a multimodal shortcut: cargo would move by sea from Mumbai to Iran, then by rail and road across the Iranian plateau to the Caspian Sea, before continuing onward to Russia and beyond. In 2001, India, Iran and Russia signed the foundational agreement, later drawing in a constellation of Eurasian states from Azerbaijan and Armenia to Kazakhstan and Turkey.


The promise was not merely theoretical. When the first commercial consignment traversed the corridor in July 2022, it signalled a breakthrough. Estimates suggested that the INSTC could cut transit times by as much as 40 percent and reduce costs by roughly 30 percent. A journey from Mumbai to Moscow that once took up to two months could be completed in under three weeks. For a trading nation like India, seeking to deepen ties with Russia and Central Asia while hedging against disruptions in maritime routes, the corridor seemed transformative.


Fault Line

Yet infrastructure, however efficient, is only as stable as the geopolitics that underpins it. And here, the INSTC’s fatal vulnerability has been laid bare. Its central node – Iran - has become the epicentre of a widening conflict involving Israel and the United States. What was once envisaged as the “logistical heartland of Eurasia” now resembles a fault line.

 

The most immediate damage has been physical. A joint American-Israeli strike on March 18 targeted the Iranian port of Bandar Anzali on the Caspian Sea - a key transshipment hub in the INSTC network. The destruction of its customs infrastructure has effectively choked cargo flows through a corridor already struggling with bottlenecks. In a system where efficiency depends on seamless transitions between sea, rail and road, such disruptions are crippling.


The economic consequences have been swift. Shipping delays have lengthened transit times, eroding the very advantage that made the corridor attractive. Alternative routes, whether via the Suez Canal or longer overland paths, are not only slower but also 20–30 percent more expensive. Worse, they lack the capacity to absorb the displaced cargo fully. The result is a squeeze on trade volumes and a rise in costs that ripple through supply chains.


For Russia, a principal beneficiary of the corridor - particularly as it seeks to bypass Western sanctions - the financial toll is mounting. Logistics firms reportedly face monthly losses running into tens of millions of dollars. Freight turnover along the route could fall by as much as a quarter this year. For India, the implications are no less serious. The ambitious target of boosting bilateral trade with Russia to $100bn by 2030 now looks increasingly aspirational.


Insurance markets, ever sensitive to risk, have compounded the problem. The intensification of hostilities in the Gulf, coupled with threats to shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, has made underwriting cargo through Iran prohibitively expensive. Some operators have suspended services altogether. In effect, the corridor is being priced out of viability just as much as it is being bombed into disruption.


Geopolitical Statement

The strategic implications are sobering. The INSTC was never merely a trade route; it was a geopolitical statement. For India, it offered a means of asserting strategic autonomy by diversifying trade routes, deepening continental ties, and reducing dependence on maritime chokepoints dominated by rival powers. For Iran, it promised economic integration and relevance. For Russia, it provided a lifeline to global markets.


Now, that shared vision is fraying. Instead of serving as a stabilising economic link, the corridor has become a liability, exposing its users to the vagaries of conflict in one of the world’s most volatile regions. The very geography that once conferred advantage by bridging continents now amplifies risk.


What, then, is to be done? For India, the answer lies not in abandoning the project but in adapting it. A multi-pronged strategy is essential. First, there is a need to strengthen infrastructure and operational control across safer segments of the corridor, ensuring that disruptions in one node do not paralyse the entire network. Second, greater emphasis must be placed on the so-called ‘eastern route,’ which skirts some of the most volatile regions and may offer a more secure, if less direct, alternative.


Investment in technological modernisation is equally critical. Digitised logistics, real-time tracking, and streamlined customs processes can mitigate delays and enhance resilience. At the same time, India must leverage its tradition of strategic autonomy to navigate the geopolitical minefield.


Establishing credible guarantees for cargo safety, possibly through multilateral arrangements involving regional partners, will be key to restoring confidence among shippers and insurers. The involvement of additional stakeholders, from Central Asian republics to European markets, could help distribute risk and reinforce the corridor’s viability.


Finally, institutional innovation may be required. A dedicated task force, bringing together government agencies, industry players and international partners, could provide the coordination needed to respond swiftly to disruptions and chart a long-term course.


The INSTC’s troubles are a reminder that in an interconnected world, infrastructure and geopolitics are inseparable. Trade corridors do not exist in a vacuum; they are embedded in the political landscapes they traverse. When those landscapes shift, the consequences can be profound.


(The author is a retired naval aviation officer and a defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)  

1 Comment


Very well explained the impact of Gulf conflict on INSTC and India's geopolitics. Trade to Eurosia was no where highlighted even after 4 weeks of conflict.

Abandoning is not solution for INSTC adaption of other options as suggested by Author needs attention.

Permanent pact with Iran and other Gulf countries for Hormuz and Suez routes must be thought by India.

Ben Gurian canal proposal/ project must be redrawn and implemented as longterm overriding alternative.

Thanks for unique article relevant to Gulf conflict impact.

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