Crimson Sunset

After more than half a century of bloodshed, the New People’s Army is a shadow of its former self. But peace still proves elusive.

The embers of a Marxist rebellion that once scorched vast swathes of the Philippine countryside may finally be cooling after government troops recently killed seven fighters from the New People’s Army (NPA) in a firefight in Masbate province, part of the poverty-stricken Bicol region. A week earlier, the military had slain two other insurgents in the same area. The army says only around 50 rebels remain in the island province, while fewer than 900 are still active nationwide.

The figures mark a dramatic decline for what was once Asia’s longest-running communist insurgency. Yet the struggle’s long shadow remains etched into the Philippines’ political landscape. Rooted in deep social inequalities, the conflict has spanned six presidential administrations, killed tens of thousands and eluded multiple peace deals. Even now, as armed clashes dwindle, underlying grievances remain unresolved and the ghost of guerrilla resistance still lingers.

The NPA is the military wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), founded in 1968 by Jose Maria Sison, a Marxist-Leninist academic who blended Maoist doctrine with Philippine nationalist fervour. Sison was inspired by both the Chinese Revolution and the Vietnam War. His vision was radical land reform, national industrialisation and the overthrow of what he saw as a corrupt, neo-colonial ruling elite propped up by the United States.

At the time, the Philippines was under the grip of Ferdinand Marcos, who would soon declare martial law and rule as a dictator for over a decade. The repression and poverty of the era gave the insurgency fertile ground. The NPA spread rapidly, particularly in rural areas neglected by the state. Its fighters moved through the mountainous terrain of Luzon and the Visayas, collecting revolutionary taxes, ambushing soldiers and dispensing their own version of justice. By the 1980s, the rebellion had reached its apex, with over 25,000 armed combatants and support from leftist student groups, unions and even some members of the Catholic clergy.

But with the fall of Marcos in 1986, the tide began to turn. Corazon Aquino, who succeeded him after a popular uprising, opened peace talks with the rebels. Though initial hopes were high, talks repeatedly broke down due to mutual mistrust and continued violence. Over time, the insurgency began to splinter. Internal purges in the late 1980s known as the Kampanyang Ahos, or “Garlic Campaign” saw the torture and execution of hundreds of suspected government spies within the rebel ranks, further weakening morale and unity.

Since the 1990s, the rebellion has suffered a slow erosion. Military pressure intensified, and a series of amnesty and livelihood programmes offered cash and job training to surrendering fighters. The fragmentation of the CPP into rival factions further weakened its effectiveness. Meanwhile, the Philippine economy grew and urbanised, luring the country’s youth away from revolutionary dreams and toward call centres and overseas work.

Rodrigo Duterte, who served as president from 2016 to 2022, initially promised to broker peace with the NPA. A former student of Sison, Duterte briefly resumed talks with the rebels, hosted in Norway. But violence persisted even during negotiations. The military accused the rebels of using the truce to regroup and extort civilians. The rebels, for their part, claimed the military continued offensives. In 2017, Duterte officially terminated the peace process and designated the CPP-NPA as a terrorist organisation.

Since then, the counterinsurgency campaign has intensified. Under Duterte’s successor, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the military has adopted a “whole-of-nation approach.” It blends armed offensives with development schemes, attempting to deprive the insurgents of local support. The death toll among rebels has mounted.

Yet history cautions against triumphalism. Philippine generals have declared the NPA “in its final phase” many times before. Though greatly weakened, the group has proven resilient, especially in far-flung provinces where state presence is thin.

Moreover, the conditions that gave rise to rebellion endure. While Manila boasts skyscrapers and stock market booms, vast stretches of the archipelago remain mired in poverty. Until those structural issues are addressed, the appeal of armed resistance may never fully disappear.