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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Police form SIT, arrest four

Achalpur Municipal Council serves ‘bulldozer justice’ Mumbai: Amid growing public outrage in Vidarbha, police in Amravati arrested three associates of the prime accused, 19 year old Ayan Ahmed Tanveer in the scandal involving recording and circulation of obscene videos of young women. The police also formed a 47-member Special Investigation Team even as authorities say preliminary inquiries point to a large cache of material and possible involvement of minors, prompting a rapid escalation of...

Police form SIT, arrest four

Achalpur Municipal Council serves ‘bulldozer justice’ Mumbai: Amid growing public outrage in Vidarbha, police in Amravati arrested three associates of the prime accused, 19 year old Ayan Ahmed Tanveer in the scandal involving recording and circulation of obscene videos of young women. The police also formed a 47-member Special Investigation Team even as authorities say preliminary inquiries point to a large cache of material and possible involvement of minors, prompting a rapid escalation of the probe and local administrative action that included partial demolition of the accused’s house. Police on Wednesday took into custody Uzair Khan Iqbal Khan (20), Mohammad Saad Mohammad Sabir (22) and Tabrez Khan Taslim Khan (24) after Ayan’s arrest on Monday. Court remand for the newly arrested trio runs until 21 April as investigators intensify questioning. Officials have so far identified eight victims, but local claims and media reports suggest the scandal may involve far larger numbers — with some sources alleging up to 180 girls and as many as 350 videos circulating online. A cyber team is working to recover deleted files and trace the full extent of distribution. Unauthorised Structure The Achalpur Municipal Council deployed a bulldozer to raze part of the accused’s house, citing unauthorised construction; officials said the timing was coincidental to the probe, but the action has added to tensions in the area. Police have formed a 47 member Special Investigation Team to coordinate forensic, cyber and field inquiries and have appealed to the public not to share any images or clips, warning that doing so is a criminal offence. Female officers are assisting in victim identification and interviews to ensure sensitivity and confidentiality. Investigation Focus Investigators have seized numerous objectionable videos from the prime accused’s phone and are attempting to match faces and locations to identify victims. The accused have been booked under relevant sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, the POCSO Act where minors are involved, and provisions of the Information Technology Act for non consensual recording and distribution. Police stress that no formal FIRs from victims are required to pursue the case and have offered the option of filing Zero FIRs to protect identities and fast track action. The scandal has provoked a political storm in Amravati. Opposition leaders have demanded a high level probe and some local groups have called for shutdowns, prompting heightened security. While there have been claims about the accused’s political links, party officials say he has been expelled; nevertheless, the episode has intensified scrutiny of law and order and online safety for young women. Community leaders and activists are pressing for swift arrests of all accomplices and for systemic measures to prevent similar crimes.

The Fighter Jet as Foreign Policy

Canada’s fighter-jet dilemma exposes a deeper rupture in North American trust.

Canada’s fighter-jet procurement has become a proxy war for something far larger than defence modernisation. As reported by the CBC, Ottawa has quietly begun making payments for long-lead components for 14 additional F-35s, even as a formal review of the contract with Lockheed Martin grinds on. The contradiction is revealing. It suggests that Canada is trying to keep its options open in an alliance that no longer feels reliably allied.


Officially, nothing has changed. The Department of National Defence insists the review continues. Prime Minister Mark Carney has declined to specify how many jets Canada will ultimately buy. Legally, Ottawa is bound only to the first tranche of 16 aircraft, due to arrive from 2026. But money has a logic of its own. By paying now for components tied to a further 14 jets, Canada preserves its slot in a congested global production queue.


The F-35, known formally as the F-35 Lightning II, has long been a political millstone. It is the most expensive weapons programme in modern history, and Canada’s share has swollen by roughly C$8bn beyond original estimates. The planned fleet of 88 aircraft was meant to cost C$19bn; sustainment costs will dwarf that. What was sold as interoperability has come to look like dependency.


That dependence matters because Canada’s strategic environment has shifted abruptly ever since US President Donald Trump has revived trade warfare and rhetorical belligerence. Tariffs have duly been slapped on Canadian exports. Threats have been floated to decertify Canadian-made aircraft. Trump has made a bad joke about making Canada the 51st US State. His commerce secretary has mused aloud about withdrawing from treaties governing the Great Lakes, NORAD and even the Five Eyes.


For a country whose defence has been structured around intimate American integration, this is destabilising. NORAD, the bedrock of continental air defence, assumes that the Royal Canadian Air Force can field credible fighters of its own. If it cannot, then American aircraft will have to fill the gap, ironically increasing Washington’s costs while eroding Ottawa’s sovereignty. The F-35 was supposed to lock in that partnership for decades. Instead, it has exposed its fragility.


Hence the renewed interest in Sweden’s Saab and its Gripen fighter. Saab has signalled a willingness to expand production in Canada, potentially assembling aircraft not only for Ottawa but also for Ukraine, which has expressed interest in more than 100 Gripens. Such numbers would require a dramatic expansion of Saab’s manufacturing capacity, possibly on Canadian soil. For policymakers in Ottawa, this technology diversification, with its industrial offsets and a subtle rebuke to American arm-twisting is tempting.


The idea of a mixed fleet that would include some F-35s for high-end stealth missions and some Gripens for air policing is gaining currency. While it would certainly complicate logistics militarily, it would hedge risks politically. Unlike the F-35, the Gripen comes with fewer strings attached and greater latitude over software, upgrades and deployment.


Yet, Canada cannot simply walk away. Its aerospace sector, the world’s fifth-largest, is deeply embedded in the F-35’s global supply chain. Canadian firms produce components for hundreds of aircraft flown by allied air forces. A full withdrawal would endanger domestic jobs and invite retaliation.


The result is paralysis by partial commitment. Canada pays just enough to avoid losing its place, while signalling loudly that the relationship needs rebalancing. It is a risky dance. The longer uncertainty persists, the higher the costs - financially, diplomatically and strategically.


What is really under review is not a contract but an assumption that proximity guarantees partnership. For decades, the United States and Canada treated defence integration as an unshakeable fact of geography. Today, it has become a bargaining chip. Ottawa’s flirtation with the Gripen is less about Sweden than about sending a message to Washington as allies, like aircraft, cannot be taken for granted.

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