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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Code for the Many

India wants artificial intelligence to serve development rather than deepen divides Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a meeting with his Bhutanese counterpart Tshering Tobgay in New Delhi. New Delhi:  As the IndiaAI Impact Summit 2026 enters its third day, India appears to be pressing a case that cuts against the grain of much global AI discourse. The summit has been framed by the Sanskrit maxim  sarvajan hitaya, sarvajan sukhaya  (for the welfare and happiness of all) and seeks to move the...

Code for the Many

India wants artificial intelligence to serve development rather than deepen divides Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a meeting with his Bhutanese counterpart Tshering Tobgay in New Delhi. New Delhi:  As the IndiaAI Impact Summit 2026 enters its third day, India appears to be pressing a case that cuts against the grain of much global AI discourse. The summit has been framed by the Sanskrit maxim  sarvajan hitaya, sarvajan sukhaya  (for the welfare and happiness of all) and seeks to move the debate beyond safety alarms and corporate rivalry towards a more pointed question: who, exactly, should benefit from artificial intelligence. Building on its advocacy in 2023 for fairer digital and financial access for the Global South, India is now positioning itself as a steward of a more democratic, human-centric AI that is meant to narrow, rather than entrench, global and domestic inequalities. That ambition builds on India’s posture at earlier global forums. In 2023, New Delhi argued that digital public infrastructure and concessional financing should be treated as global public goods, particularly for poorer nations. Three years on, the argument has sharpened. If AI is to shape growth, productivity and governance in the coming decades, India insists that its benefits must not mirror the inequalities of the industrial and digital revolutions before it. This sets India apart from the dominant poles of AI power. The United States and China have raced ahead with proprietary models and compute-heavy ecosystems. India, lacking the same scale of capital or chips, has instead emphasised deployment by asking how AI can be applied cheaply, widely and with human oversight. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi has often argued, AI is a double-edged tool: transformative when governed well, corrosive when left to markets alone. Stark Contrast The contrast with earlier summits is deliberate. Britain’s 2023 meeting at Bletchley Park fixated on catastrophic risks and frontier safety. South Korea’s Seoul summit in 2024 focused on scientific cooperation to mitigate harm. France’s Paris meeting in 2025 tried to tether AI to sustainability and public interest. India’s turn is broader and more political. The question it poses is not merely how to restrain AI, but how to distribute it. At the heart of the summit is an effort to make AI legible to ordinary citizens. Demonstrations are expected on its use in schools, hospitals, farms and welfare schemes, with particular emphasis on small towns and rural areas. The aim is to narrow what Indian officials increasingly describe as an “AI divide” between those who can exploit algorithms and those who remain invisible to them. The economic case is straightforward. AI-driven tools can raise productivity by automating routine work, improve hiring by reducing bias, and conserve energy through smarter consumption. In education, adaptive learning systems promise to personalise instruction in overcrowded classrooms. In agriculture, predictive models can guide farmers on soil health, pests and weather, lifting incomes while improving food security. In healthcare, AI-assisted diagnostics, from cancer detection in scans to remote patient monitoring, could compensate for India’s chronic shortage of doctors, especially outside cities. One of the summit’s most politically charged themes is road safety. India records between four and five lakh road accidents a year. According to figures cited in Parliament by Nitin Gadkari, 2024 alone saw 1.77 lakh fatalities, a third of them on national highways that make up just 2% of the road network. Officials argue that AI - through speed monitoring, pre-collision alerts and predictive traffic management - could dramatically cut deaths and emissions alike. Panels on data-driven transport policy will test how far such optimism can be translated into enforcement. Critics note that India still struggles with patchy data quality, weak local capacity and uneven internet access. Grand visions, they warn, risk dissolving into pilot projects. Yet that is precisely why New Delhi is pressing its case internationally. By pooling models, datasets and best practices, especially among countries of the Global South, it hopes to reduce costs and avoid dependence on a handful of foreign platforms. If successful, the IndiaAI Impact Summit will mark a shift in the global AI conversation. From fear to function; from concentration to diffusion. India is betting that the future of artificial intelligence will not be decided solely in data centres and boardrooms, but in classrooms, clinics, fields and highways. Whether the world follows is another matter. But New Delhi has made clear where it wants the argument to go.

Turning Right, Looking Outward

With Sanae Takaichi’s landslide, Tokyo signals a harder line at home, a sharper edge abroad, and a readiness to reshape the Indo-Pacific balance.

Japan does not often deliver political earthquakes. Its post-war democracy has been defined more by continuity than rupture, by factional bargaining within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) than by sweeping mandates. Now, Sanae Takaichi’s emphatic election victory - an outright majority for the LDP and a two-thirds supermajority with its coalition partner Ishin - comes close to an earthquake. It is not merely a personal triumph for a first-term prime minister. It is a signal that Japan’s strategic centre of gravity is shifting decisively, with consequences that will be felt far beyond Tokyo.


The numbers alone are startling. The LDP crossed the 233-seat threshold for a Lower House majority within hours of polls closing, and Ishin now controls enough seats to override the upper chamber. For a leader who only assumed office in October last year and promptly called a rare winter election, the result confers unusual authority. Japan’s recent history of four prime ministers in roughly three years makes the contrast sharper. Takaichi has not just survived the volatility; she has decisively crushed it.


At home, the mandate frees her to pursue an agenda that blends economic populism with strategic hawkishness. Her pledge to cut the consumption tax has unsettled markets already wary of Japan’s towering public debt. But politically, the move taps into a broader frustration among younger voters, a cohort that has responded to her blunt style, her image as an indefatigable worker, and even the curious pop-cultural phenomenon of ‘sanakatsu’ - the social-media fandom built around her everyday accessories. This reflects a deeper realignment where a conservative leader is managing to mobilise younger voters in a society often caricatured as gerontocratic and risk-averse.


Yet it is on defence and foreign policy that Takaichi’s victory carries the most weight. In office, she has wasted little time accelerating military spending and sharpening Japan’s posture towards China. This builds on trends set in motion under her predecessors, but her tone is more forthright and her ideological instincts more unapologetic. The era in which Japan could rely on strategic ambiguity by being economically entwined with China while sheltering comfortably under America’s security umbrella, is drawing to a close. Takaichi’s Japan is openly preparing for a more contested Indo-Pacific.


Beijing will have noted the scale of her mandate with unease. A Japan with a stable government, rising defence budgets, and parliamentary room to manoeuvre is a more formidable actor in East Asia.


Tokyo’s role in the ‘Quad’ with India, Australia and the United States is likely to deepen, as will cooperation on maritime security and supply-chain resilience. For China, already grappling with a tightening ring of US allies, Takaichi’s victory adds another layer of strategic friction.


Washington, by contrast, sees reassurance. The unusual endorsement she received from President Donald Trump during the campaign underscored how central Japan has become to American strategy in Asia. A stronger, more assertive Tokyo reduces the burden on the US while reinforcing deterrence against China and North Korea.


Beyond the region, the implications are subtler but no less significant. Japan has long been a status quo power, a champion of rules-based trade and multilateralism. Takaichi’s blend of tax cuts, defence expansion and muscular nationalism suggests a recalibration rather than an abandonment of that role. Tokyo is unlikely to retreat from global institutions, but it will press harder for reforms that reflect shifting power balances.


The supermajority also raises the question of constitutional change that Japan has skirted for decades. With the numbers now on her side, Takaichi may be tempted to revisit Article 9, the pacifist clause that has constrained Japan’s military role since 1947. Even incremental revisions would mark a historic break, normalising Japan as a conventional military power at a time when global norms are already under strain.


For now, the message from voters is unmistakable. Japan wants decisiveness after drift. Long seen as cautious to a fault, the country has chosen a leader prepared to test the limits of its post-war inheritance.

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