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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Cultivated Corruption

Updated: Jan 27, 2025

Less than 100 days into its term, the newly-minted Mahayuti government led by Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has found itself embroiled in one embarrassing controversy after another. As if the Beed sarpanch murder case and the Badlapur police encounter were not enough, the tripartite coalition now has to deal with admissions of corruption from one of its own ministers. Agriculture Minister Manikrao Kokate’s candid, some would even say casual, confession that 3-4 percent corruption is endemic to government schemes have raised eyebrows across the political spectrum. His remarks, ostensibly made to defend the beleaguered Re 1 crop insurance program, have cast a shadow over the Mahayuti administration’s claims of probity and efficiency.


Kokate’s frankness may have been disarming, but his admission was damning. The minister’s acknowledgment of systemic graft in a flagship welfare scheme raises uncomfortable questions about governance in Maharashtra. Worse still, the program, which promises insurance for farmers at a symbolic premium of one rupee, is now revealed to be riddled with bogus applications—over 400,000 of the 16.8 million filed—some even falsely registering mosques, temples and vacant plots as agricultural lands. While Kokate assured the public that no funds had yet been disbursed to fraudulent claimants, his revelations hint at a bogus industry flourishing right under the nose of a government that has just been given a massive mandate in the 2024 Assembly polls.


The Re 1 crop insurance scheme was meant to be a lifeline for Maharashtra’s beleaguered farmers, offering protection against the vagaries of nature. Instead, it has become a case study in administrative laxity. The agriculture commissioner’s investigation revealed that unscrupulous actors, including operators of Common Services Centres (CSCs), exploited the system, motivated by a Rs. 40 commission per application. While action has been initiated against 96 CSCs, the scale of malpractice suggests a deeper rot in the machinery.


Kokate’s remarks, that corruption is inevitable and merely needs managing, betray a worrying resignation among Maharashtra’s leaders. Such cynicism undermines public faith in governance and diminishes the aspirations of an electorate that handed the Mahayuti coalition a resounding mandate in the 2024 Assembly polls. Winning elections is one thing; delivering clean and effective governance is another.


The minister’s promise of using technology to remedy the problems in the scheme is far from reassuring. India has no shortage of grand technological fixes—what it lacks is the political will to enforce accountability. That Kokate’s revelations came so early in the administration’s term is both a curse and a blessing. On one hand, it tarnishes the honeymoon period of the Mahayuti government. On the other, it offers a timely opportunity to demonstrate resolve and competence.


As Fadnavis grapples with this scandal, he would do well to remember that the electorate forgives many things, but not betrayal of trust. Maharashtra’s farmers, the backbone of its economy, deserve better than to be pawns in a political game where accountability is shrugged off as an inconvenience.

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