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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

Cultural Collapse

When the custodians of culture become its gravediggers, decline is inevitable. The Asiatic Society of Mumbai (ASM), the city’s 221-year-old institution housed in the stately Town Hall on the steps of Horniman Circle, was once a citadel of knowledge, a hub of learning that connected India to the intellectual revolutions of the world. Today, it stands as a monument to neglect, wracked by infighting, financial collapse and administrative paralysis.


What began as an assembly of scholars in 1804, preserving treasures such as one of two known original copies of Dante’s Divine Comedy, has devolved into a sorry theatre of mismanagement. The Society, which boasts a membership of nearly 3,000, now barely sees 150 active participants. Its elections have been annulled by the charity commissioner, its finances are in shambles, and its leadership seems more intent on clinging to office than rescuing the institution from ruin. The current president, lauded as the first woman to lead the ASM, is at the end of her six-year term but even her departure is marred by controversy. Elections that were supposed to usher in a new committee have been declared illegal. The Society drifts leaderless, yet refuses to hold fresh elections.


At the heart of this crisis lies financial rot. The ASM has been bleeding money for years, losing nearly Rs. 1 crore annually. It survives on erratic grants from the state and central governments, but its leadership has failed to secure even the most basic funding assurances. Officials in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation recount how the Society’s office bearers were indifferent when asked to follow up for additional grants. The result is a hand-to-mouth existence where even staff salaries are uncertain, and endowment funds meant for specific purposes are reportedly being diverted to keep the lights on.


The institution requires at least Rs. 3 crore annually to operate smoothly, yet no one seems capable or willing to fight for it. Successive committees have failed to lobby for the long-promised ‘Institute of National Importance’ status, which would have secured central funding and recognition. Instead, the management frittered away limited resources on wasteful projects.


Of the sanctioned 45 staff positions, barely 25 are filled. Crucial posts of the Librarian, Deputy Librarian and Archivist remain vacant. Many employees still draw salaries based on the 6th Pay Commission, eight years after the 7th became the standard. It is no surprise that preservation work has slowed to a crawl, leaving 3,000 manuscripts and 280,000 rare books vulnerable to deterioration.


If the Society’s founders, who envisioned it as a beacon of Oriental and Western scholarship, could see it today, they would be aghast.


Saving the ASM demands a ruthless cleaning-up. The Society must be pulled from the grip of aging elites who treat it as a private club rather than a public trust. In a city that prides itself on heritage, it is shameful that one of its greatest cultural assets teeters on the brink of oblivion.

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