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By:

Rajiv Shah

22 September 2025 at 8:32:23 pm

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger...

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger geopolitical churn in which alliances, energy, trade, currencies and economic coercion are becoming interconnected. India finds itself almost at its centre. The emerging Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan security equation deserves particular attention. Saudi Arabia brings enormous financial and energy influence; Türkiye possesses considerable military strength, NATO experience and an expanding defence industry; Pakistan brings a large military establishment and nuclear capability with the open support of Washington. Any arrangement containing a collective-defence commitment naturally acquires significance beyond ordinary diplomatic cooperation. Alongside it, another strategic convergence has gradually developed among India, Israel and the UAE. It would be incorrect to describe this as a formal military alliance. Yet geopolitics does not operate through defence treaties alone. India's extensive defence and technology relationship with Israel, its rapidly expanding economic and strategic partnership with the UAE, and the UAE-Israel relationship following the Abraham Accords have created considerable common ground. I2U2—bringing together India, Israel, the UAE and the United States—added another institutional dimension. Thus, without necessarily becoming opposing military camps, two interesting strategic formations are visible across West Asia: Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan and the looser India–UAE–Israel convergence. Balancing Challenge India faces a similar balancing challenge. The Gulf is not a distant geopolitical theatre for New Delhi. Nearly nine million Indians live and work there. India's energy security, investments, trade and remittance flows are closely connected with the region. The proposed India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor also requires relative stability across this geography. Polarisation in West Asia can therefore rapidly become an Indian economic and strategic problem. There is another question Indian planners cannot ignore. If a future India-Pakistan confrontation escalates, how would any collective-defence commitment involving Pakistan be interpreted by Saudi Arabia and Türkiye? It would be alarmist to assume that either country would automatically enter a conflict against India. Saudi Arabia, in particular, has substantial economic and strategic interests in maintaining good relations with New Delhi. Nevertheless, defence planners are paid to examine possibilities before they become crises. While these equations develop in India's neighbourhood, economic pressure is emerging from Washington. The US Senate has voted 86–11 for legislation intended to increase pressure on Russia by targeting major purchasers of Russian energy. The measure could authorise tariffs reaching 100 per cent against goods from countries continuing large-scale purchases of Russian oil and gas, with India among those potentially exposed. China is powerful enough to shrug off similar challenges from the West." However this does not mean that America has already imposed a 100 per cent tariff on India. Further legislative steps remain necessary, and presidential waiver provisions are important. But the overwhelming Senate vote carries a political message that New Delhi cannot dismiss. Tariffs are no longer merely tools of trade protection; they have become instruments of geopolitical coercion. Washington's argument is understandable: revenues from Russian petroleum help sustain Moscow's economy during the Ukraine war, and reducing those revenues increases pressure on Russia. But in that case what about European countries who too were/are customers of Russian oil? India's question is equally legitimate: who should determine where India purchases the energy required by more than 1.4 billion people? If Russian crude remains commercially advantageous and helps contain domestic energy costs, New Delhi cannot reasonably be expected to make every energy decision according to another country's geopolitical priorities. Strategic partnership cannot become strategic obedience. This is where BRICS enters the larger picture. India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and will host its leaders at an unusually sensitive moment. BRICS is no longer merely the original grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Its expansion has considerably increased its demographic, energy and geopolitical weight. More importantly, discussions around BRICS increasingly touch a sensitive nerve in Washington: alternative payment mechanisms, local-currency trade, development finance and the possibility of gradually reducing dependence upon the dollar-dominated international financial system. The BRICS Summit this time is poised to take some decisive steps which may affect western interests especially US. (The writer is an advocate, legal, geopolitical and public policy analyst. Views personal.)

Debunking EVM Myths: Restoring Trust in Elections

Debunking EVM Myths

In India’s diverse democracy, elections are more than a constitutional duty—they celebrate unity and plurality. Central to this process is the commitment to free, fair, and credible elections. A key innovation in this effort was the introduction of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) to combat fraud, inefficiency, and logistical issues of paper ballots. Despite their proven reliability, EVMs remain controversial, with recurring claims of hacking and manipulation. These often baseless allegations fuel a false narrative that undermines the credibility of India’s electoral process.


Scepticism around EVMs often arises after unexpected electoral results, with losing parties questioning their integrity to deflect from defeat. This tactic isn’t unique to India; even in advanced democracies like the U.S., doubts about electronic voting systems have surfaced. However, India’s EVMs are offline, insulating them from external interference. Despite this, allegations persist, fuelled by misinformation and amplified by social media. Viral videos claiming EVM tampering often feature crude replicas, not genuine machines, yet their visual impact plants doubt. The lack of immediate clarification allows these myths to spread. Globally, scepticism about electronic voting adds perceived credibility to these local claims, despite differences in technology.


A common misconception about EVMs is that they are vulnerable to remote hacking because they are connected to the internet. This narrative is entirely false. Indian EVMs are standalone devices, designed to operate offline without any connectivity to external networks. This offline design is one of the primary safeguards against tampering, ensuring that no external party can remotely access or alter the machines.


Additionally, the devices are secured through tamper-evident seals, strict storage protocols, and constant surveillance, making unauthorised access highly improbable. Another persistent myth is that EVMs can be manipulated during their storage or transport. Critics often point to the logistical complexity of elections as a potential weak point. However, the Election Commission of India has implemented stringent measures to address these concerns. EVMs are stored under the watchful eyes of election officials, political party representatives, and security personnel. They are equipped with seals that show visible signs of tampering, ensuring transparency and accountability at every stage.


Genuine Indian EVMs are manufactured under stringent conditions by Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and Electronics Corporation of India Limited (ECIL), and their software is embedded in one-time programmable chips that cannot be altered or rewritten. The claims of hacking are thus not only misleading but also an affront to the rigorous processes that ensure the integrity of these machines. The introduction of the Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) system has added another layer of transparency to the electoral process. With VVPAT, voters receive a printed slip confirming their choice, which is stored securely for potential audits. This system provides tangible proof of the vote cast, addressing doubts and reinforcing trust in the process. Yet, even this innovation has not been spared from criticism, as detractors seek to cast aspersions on its efficacy without offering substantive evidence.


The Election Commission of India has organised open challenges and invited sceptics to prove their claims. These challenges, held under controlled conditions, have yet to yield any credible evidence of tampering. Furthermore, the judiciary has repeatedly upheld the reliability of EVMs.


The Supreme Court of India, in particular, has recognised the vital role of these machines in ensuring the integrity of elections and dismissed allegations of hacking as baseless. India’s EVMs have also earned international recognition for their robust design and efficiency. Several countries, including Bhutan and Nepal, have adopted similar systems inspired by India’s model. This global validation underscores the effectiveness of Indian EVMs in delivering credible elections, even in challenging conditions.


The real threat from the fake EVM narrative is democratic, not technological. By eroding trust, it risks alienating voters and undermining confidence in democratic institutions. Political actors exploit this distrust to divert attention from real issues. The danger lies in the misinformation, not the machines. Combating this requires public awareness campaigns on EVM security and safeguards. The Election Commission must engage stakeholders, counter misinformation, and explore technologies to boost transparency. Citizens, too, must question claims and rely on verified information.


As India continues to uphold its democratic ideals, it is crucial to ensure that truth prevails over propaganda, safeguarding the sanctity of the electoral process for generations to come.


(The author is a Senior Research Associate,Vishwa Samvad Kendra, Mumbai. Views personal.)

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